Mahatma Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose were two legendary personalities, gigantic in their political moral and ethical stature. Both of them were two worthy sons of Mother India. In 1915, soon after his return from South Africa Gandhiji became the unquestioned leader of India’s freedom movement and Indian National Congress. He transformed ‘an unarmed, politicallysubjugated, dumb and illiterate mass of humanity into a fearless, non-violent, politically awakened, resurgent militia. Verily out of dust, he made Indians into men’. Subhas Chandra Bose, ‘the stormy petrel of Indian Renaissance’ younger to Gandhi by 28 years who had resigned his brilliant career in the much coveted heaven-born Indian Civil Service with the resolute aim and determination to devote himself entirely to the fight for India’s freedom.
The saga of relationship between Subhas and Gandhi starts with Subhas meeting Gandhi on the very day (on 16th July, 1921) of his landing at Bombay. Their first meeting set the contours of the relationship over the coming quarter of a century between these two foremost leaders of India’s freedom struggle. To Subhas Bose, Gandhi always remained ‘India’s greatest man’. His appreciation of the unique contribution of Gandhi was unequivocal. He recognised and admitted Gandhi as the undisputable, unrivalled leader of the masses. Subhas had all praise for Gandhi’s unflinching patriotism, firmness in character, love for truth etc. Infact, Bose bowed before Gandhi’s ‘single hearted devotion, his relentless will, and his indefatigable labour’. To Gandhi, Bose was like a son whose ‘self sacrifice and suffering, drive, integrity and commitment to the national cause and the capacity to bind all Indians into one people were unsurpassed.’
Both Gandhi and Bose were totally honest men. They were internationalists and humanists. They were secular in approach and anti-racial in outlook. In whatever situations they were and whatever they were doing, their minds were always diverted towards the liberation of their motherland. The whole life of both the leaders was an epic struggle for India’s independence. In fact, the life long “Tapasya” of both, ended with the ultimate sacrifice of their very lives.
Inspite of all these, there were glaring differences between Gandhi and Subhas and in political life both were posed against each other. Young Netaji was a firebrand nationalist who believed in the tradition of Tilak and Aurobindo. Gandhiji, on the contrary, was a reluctant nationalist who belonged to the tradition of his mentor Gokhale and Tagore. Bose’s strong revolutionary urge for the emancipation of his motherland made him critical of many of Gandhiji’s techniques.
In 1920, at the age of 23, Subhas joined the Non-cooperation Movement which was going on with all its fury in Bengal under the leadership of Deshabandhu Chittaranjan Das. He took prominent part in the agitation against the Prince of Wales’s visit. In protest against the decision of Gandhi in calling off the Noncooperation Movement as a sequence to the Chauri Chaura incident in 1922, Bose felt highly dejected. In 1927, Subhas was elected as one of the General Secretaries of the Indian National Congress. A British Parliamentary Commission, known as Simon Commission was appointed, to fix up the exact status of India’s Constitutional development. Indian leaders had long been thinking in terms of early Dominion Status. For Subhas, the demand of Dominion Status appeared to be too short of his dream of full freedom. To the utter astonishment of everybody he roared before the Commission. ‘India shall be free, the only question is when’? For this bold statement he incurred the displeasure of the Mahatma who rebuked Bose in the sharpest language such of which was never before heard in the public from Gandhiji
The year 1927 brought Subhas closer to Jawaharlal Nehru at the annual session of the Indian National Congress, which was held at Madras. They formed the Independence of Indian League and under their joint effort, resolution for ‘Complete Independence’ was passed. In the next year due to the opposition of Gandhi the resolution to reiterate the demand for Complete Independence could not be approved. Thus Bose’s proposal was defeated. In 1929 to separate Nehru from Subhas, Gandhiji nominated Jawahar as the President of Indian National Congress. The Mahatma was happy as he thought that Bose would be ineffective without support from Jawaharlal. But Subhas a different stuff altogether, despite opposition both from Nehru and Gandhi declared 1929 to be the year of preparation for a massive civil disobedience movement.
In the subsequent events that immediately followed the same sort of ambivalence in the relationship between these two leaders are clearly discernible. Subhas praised Gandhiji for Dandi March and Salt Satyagraha (1930). He wrote nostalgically ‘The march of Dandi – an event of historical importance which will rank on the same level with Napoleon’s march to Paris’. He particularly admired Gandhiji success in involving women into the freedom movement. At the same time Subhas severely criticized Gandhiji’s participation in the Second Round Table Conference in London. Bose was much perturbed by the way Gandhiji played his cards at the Round Table Conference. Gandhiji should have spoken, he felt, at the Round Table Conference, with a firm voice.
In 1937, Gandhiji felt that Bose was a force to be reckoned with and hence he should no longer be neglected. He was further convinced that Subhas alone could be an instrument in the split of the Congress. Hence he decided to elect Subhas as the president of the Indian National Congress even when Subhas was not a member of that party. In the 51st session of the Congress held at Haripura in 1938, Subhas was unanimously elected as the President. Unfortunately both for the Congress and the country, the alliance between Bose and Gandhi remained precarious. Subhas not only condemned Gandhi’s favourite Charakha but gave a call to modernise India. He called upon the people to get united for an armed struggle against the Britishers.
At the presidential election in January 1939, Subhas was vigorously opposed both by Gandhi and Nehru. Nevertheless, he has achieved a decisive victory over his opponent Dr. Pattabhi Sittaramayya, Gandhi’s nominee by 1580 to1375 votes. Gandhiji openly declared that Sitaramayya’s defeat was his defeat. He said that Subhas’s references to his colleagues were unjustified and unworthy. He remarked that since Subhas had criticized his colleagues as ‘rightists’, it would be most appropriate on his part to choose a homogeneous cabinet and enforce his action. At the Tripuri Congress, Bose as the president made a clear proposal that the Indian National Congress should immediately send an ultimatum to the British Government demanding independence within six months. It was opposed by the Gandhian wing and Nehru. In the midst of the hostile situation Subhas resigned the Presidentship of the Congress on 29th April, 1939, and immediately proceeded to form a radical party bringing the entire left wing under one banner. In this connection, it would be most appropriate to mention that – Bose’s innate devotion and respect for Gandhiji remained as firm even though his path was diverging. He clearly stated ‘it will always be my aim and object to try and win his confidence for the simple reason that it will be tragic for me if I succeed in winning the confidence of other people but fail to win the confidence of India’s greatest man’.
Subhas had his ‘last long and hearty talk with the Mahatma on 20th June, 1940.’ He had pressed Gandhi to launch the struggle taking advantage of the critical position of the British in the Second World War. He told that it was the most opportune time and it was impossible to think of any other situation in which India could start the struggle. Mahatma replied, ‘why do you think that we cannot get better opportunities later on ? I am sure we will have many such opportunities. Whether England wins or loses the war, she will be weakened by it; she will have no strength to shoulder the responsibilities of administering the country, and with slight effort on our part she will have no alternative but recognise India’s independence’.
The whole nation was aroused when Subhas Bose made his spectacular escape on 17th January, 1941 (it was the day fixed for his trial for sedition) while under house detention at Calcutta and finally reached Germany in order to lead struggle for freedom from outside. Gandhi, on his part, could never endorse Subhas Bose joining with the Axis powers. Even outside India, Bose remained unshaken in his deep allegiance to Gandhiji. His praise and devotion for Gandhi were again obvious in his broadcast on Gandhiji’s birthday on 2nd October, 1943. ‘The service which Mahatma Gandhi has rendered to India is so unique and unparalleled that his name will be written in letters of gold in our national history for all time’.
Even Gandhiji, while differing from the extreme methods of Subhas Bose, had utmost admiration for his unique effort for India’s freedom. On one occasion Gandhiji wrote to Subhas, ‘regarding our love for the country and determination to achieve freedom, you are second to none. Your sincerity is transparent. Your spirit of self- sacrifice and suffering can not be surpassed by anybody’. In another occasion in a conversation with an American journalist, on the eve of launching the Quit India Movement, Gandhiji defended Bose as ‘a patriot of patriots’. Netaji’s last broadcast on 6th July, 1944 addressed to Gandhiji through Azad Hind Radio, was like a brilliant report in which he described how ‘the high esteem in which you are held by patriotic Indians outside India and by foreign friends of India’s freedom, was increased a hundred fold when you bravely sponsored the Quit India Movement in August 1942′. Concluding his speech he fervently sought the blessings of Gandhi, Father of our Nation, in this holy war of India’s liberation we ask you for your blessings and good wishes.’
During 1945 and 1946, Gandhiji came to know a lot about the exploits of Subhas and his Indian National Army. While addressing the INA prisoners he paid unreserved tributes in hailing Bose as ‘Netaji’. He also paid unqualified tribute to the INA. ‘The greatest among its achievements was to gather together, under one banner, men from all religions and races of India, and to infuse in them the spirit of solidarity and oneness, to the utter exclusion of all communal and parochial sentiments. It is an example which we should all emulate.’ It is thus clear from the above that both Gandhiji and Subhas discussed all the problems that confronted them, honestly realised their differences. Their relationship was based on truthfulness, transparency, sacrifice and suffering. No wonder, they had the deepest concern for each other till the end .
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In a diverse country like India, where each State is socially, culturally, economically, and politically distinct, measuring Governance becomes increasingly tricky. The Public Affairs Index (PAI 2021) is a scientifically rigorous, data-based framework that measures the quality of governance at the Sub-national level and ranks the States and Union Territories (UTs) of India on a Composite Index (CI).
States are classified into two categories – Large and Small – using population as the criteria.
In PAI 2021, PAC defined three significant pillars that embody Governance – Growth, Equity, and Sustainability. Each of the three Pillars is circumscribed by five governance praxis Themes.
The themes include – Voice and Accountability, Government Effectiveness, Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption.
At the bottom of the pyramid, 43 component indicators are mapped to 14 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are relevant to the States and UTs.
This forms the foundation of the conceptual framework of PAI 2021. The choice of the 43 indicators that go into the calculation of the CI were dictated by the objective of uncovering the complexity and multidimensional character of development governance

The Equity Principle
The Equity Pillar of the PAI 2021 Index analyses the inclusiveness impact at the Sub-national level in the country; inclusiveness in terms of the welfare of a society that depends primarily on establishing that all people feel that they have a say in the governance and are not excluded from the mainstream policy framework.
This requires all individuals and communities, but particularly the most vulnerable, to have an opportunity to improve or maintain their wellbeing. This chapter of PAI 2021 reflects the performance of States and UTs during the pandemic and questions the governance infrastructure in the country, analysing the effectiveness of schemes and the general livelihood of the people in terms of Equity.



Growth and its Discontents
Growth in its multidimensional form encompasses the essence of access to and the availability and optimal utilisation of resources. By resources, PAI 2021 refer to human resources, infrastructure and the budgetary allocations. Capacity building of an economy cannot take place if all the key players of growth do not drive development. The multiplier effects of better health care, improved educational outcomes, increased capital accumulation and lower unemployment levels contribute magnificently in the growth and development of the States.



The Pursuit Of Sustainability
The Sustainability Pillar analyses the access to and usage of resources that has an impact on environment, economy and humankind. The Pillar subsumes two themes and uses seven indicators to measure the effectiveness of government efforts with regards to Sustainability.



The Curious Case Of The Delta
The Delta Analysis presents the results on the State performance on year-on-year improvement. The rankings are measured as the Delta value over the last five to 10 years of data available for 12 Key Development Indicators (KDI). In PAI 2021, 12 indicators across the three Pillars of Equity (five indicators), Growth (five indicators) and Sustainability (two indicators). These KDIs are the outcome indicators crucial to assess Human Development. The Performance in the Delta Analysis is then compared to the Overall PAI 2021 Index.
Key Findings:-
In the Scheme of Things
The Scheme Analysis adds an additional dimension to ranking of the States on their governance. It attempts to complement the Governance Model by trying to understand the developmental activities undertaken by State Governments in the form of schemes. It also tries to understand whether better performance of States in schemes reflect in better governance.
The Centrally Sponsored schemes that were analysed are National Health Mission (NHM), Umbrella Integrated Child Development Services scheme (ICDS), Mahatma Gandh National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SmSA) and MidDay Meal Scheme (MDMS).
National Health Mission (NHM)
INTEGRATED CHILD DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ICDS)
MID- DAY MEAL SCHEME (MDMS)
SAMAGRA SHIKSHA ABHIYAN (SMSA)
MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL RURAL EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE SCHEME (MGNREGS)