There is hope among the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir that Article 35-A of the Indian Constitution, which makes unjust distinctions between the sons and daughters of the state, will also be scrapped by the apex court.
The Supreme Court’s landmark verdict, of 22 August, that declared “unconstitutional, arbitrary and whimsical” the 1400-year-old controversial practice of instant talaq has dramatically changed the socio-political scene of Jammu and Kashmir. It has filled the hearts of daughters of the state with hope.
Like in the rest of the country, the women in the state have, irrespective of their religious denomination and regional compulsions, welcomed the verdict.
The judgement has rekindled the hope that Article 35-A of the Indian Constitution, which makes humiliating, invidious and unjust distinctions between the sons and daughters of Jammu and Kashmir, will also be scrapped by the apex court.
The new hope has stemmed not only from the fact that the operative part of the verdict, delivered by a 3:2 majority, clearly said the “practice of triple talaq was violative of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution (equality and non-discrimination)”; it also stems from the fact that three judges didn’t endorse the view of Justice S Abdul Nazeer that triple talaq had “got protection under Article 25 of the Constitution”. They were of the view that Article 25 could not be applied in this case as it involved the cardinal principle of equality and non-discrimination.
And then there was Prime Minister’s Independence Day address from the ramparts of the Red Fort in which he said his government was committed to women empowerment and gender equality. This precisely was the stand of the Government of India in the apex court.
The women of Jammu and Kashmir also have renewed belief now because of the stand taken by the Government of India on the crucial public interest litigation on Article 35-A. The Government of India, unlike the Jammu and Kashmir government, has not filed any affidavit in the Supreme Court. Contrarily, it has twice told the apex court that Article 35-A was a “sensitive” issue which needed a “wider debate”.
“It is a ‘very sensitive matter’ which would require a ‘larger’ debate. There are Constitutional issues involved in it and it should be heard by a larger bench,” Attorney General K K Venugopal twice told the Supreme Court. On the other hand, the Jammu and Kashmir government took the stand that “Article 35-A is a settled issue” and “it is a permanent Article”.
However, it was the stand of the union government that prompted the Chief Justice of India to suggest that the whole case could be transferred from the existing three-judge bench to five-judge Constitutional bench for its disposal. The case is listed for hearing on 29 August.
So, the hope of the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir is as justifiable as it is tenable. After all, the case of the women in the state, including Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan, and the non-governmental organisation “We The Citizens”, who have approached the Supreme Court to obtain justice, is almost identical to the case which the oppressed and discriminated Muslim women fought relentlessly in the highest court of justice of the country for years, and finally received justice.
Article 35-A gives absolute power to the Jammu and Kashmir government to define the classes of persons who are, or shall be, permanent residents of the state, or confer on such permanent residents any special rights and privileges or impose upon persons any restrictions in matters relating to employment under the state government, acquisition of immovable property in the state, scholarships and to such other forms of aid as the state government may provide.
In effect, Article 35-A considers all Indians, barring the permanent residents of the state, as persona non-grata in Jammu and Kashmir and deprives the children of the daughters of the state, married outside to non-permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir, of any right available under the Jammu & Kashmir Constitution of 1957.
This Article was applied to Jammu and Kashmir on 14 May 1954 through a Presidential Order without invoking Article 368 of the Indian Constitution. Article 368 says not a word can be deleted from or added to the Constitution without taking the Parliament into confidence. Significantly, Article 35-A is not part of the main body of the Constitution. It finds mention only in an appendix.
It needs to be noted that not one but three petitions challenging the validity of Article 35-A have been filed in the Supreme Court. These include writ petitions 722/2014, 871/2015 and 396/2017. “We the Citizens”, refugees from West Pakistan (all Hindu and Sikh) and Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan, respectively, filed these three petitions.
All the petitioners want the Supreme Court to declare Article 35-A as unconstitutional, discriminatory and against the very spirit of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.
Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan have, in addition, said in their petition that their children are considered “illegitimate”, as they got married to non-permanent residents of the state. As for the refugees from West Pakistan, they have said in their petition that they have been living in various parts of Jammu since their migration in 1947, but they have no right to property, no right to vote, no right to higher and technical and professional education, no right to a government job and no right to a bank loan in Jammu and Kashmir because they do not possess permanent resident certificates. They are Indian nationals, but not residents of the state.
As for separatists like Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Yasin Malik, they have said that “Article 35-A is a matter of life and death”. On 23 August, they also issued a protest calendar. Their protest demonstrations would start on 25 August and conclude on 29 August with a shutdown across Kashmir.
This is the whole situation. Article 35-A is a litmus test both for the Prime Minister and the Supreme Court. Litmus test for the Prime Minister because on 15 August he pledged unstinted support to the issue of women empowerment and equality. And litmus test for the Supreme Court because on 22 August it preferred Article 14 over Article 25. Article 35-A is unconstitutional and it has to go lock, stock and barrel.
Even otherwise, it has to go because there can’t be two laws in India, one for Jammu and Kashmir and another for the rest of the country which are contradictory to each other and undemocratic in nature.
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In a diverse country like India, where each State is socially, culturally, economically, and politically distinct, measuring Governance becomes increasingly tricky. The Public Affairs Index (PAI 2021) is a scientifically rigorous, data-based framework that measures the quality of governance at the Sub-national level and ranks the States and Union Territories (UTs) of India on a Composite Index (CI).
States are classified into two categories – Large and Small – using population as the criteria.
In PAI 2021, PAC defined three significant pillars that embody Governance – Growth, Equity, and Sustainability. Each of the three Pillars is circumscribed by five governance praxis Themes.
The themes include – Voice and Accountability, Government Effectiveness, Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption.
At the bottom of the pyramid, 43 component indicators are mapped to 14 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are relevant to the States and UTs.
This forms the foundation of the conceptual framework of PAI 2021. The choice of the 43 indicators that go into the calculation of the CI were dictated by the objective of uncovering the complexity and multidimensional character of development governance
The Equity Principle
The Equity Pillar of the PAI 2021 Index analyses the inclusiveness impact at the Sub-national level in the country; inclusiveness in terms of the welfare of a society that depends primarily on establishing that all people feel that they have a say in the governance and are not excluded from the mainstream policy framework.
This requires all individuals and communities, but particularly the most vulnerable, to have an opportunity to improve or maintain their wellbeing. This chapter of PAI 2021 reflects the performance of States and UTs during the pandemic and questions the governance infrastructure in the country, analysing the effectiveness of schemes and the general livelihood of the people in terms of Equity.
Growth and its Discontents
Growth in its multidimensional form encompasses the essence of access to and the availability and optimal utilisation of resources. By resources, PAI 2021 refer to human resources, infrastructure and the budgetary allocations. Capacity building of an economy cannot take place if all the key players of growth do not drive development. The multiplier effects of better health care, improved educational outcomes, increased capital accumulation and lower unemployment levels contribute magnificently in the growth and development of the States.
The Pursuit Of Sustainability
The Sustainability Pillar analyses the access to and usage of resources that has an impact on environment, economy and humankind. The Pillar subsumes two themes and uses seven indicators to measure the effectiveness of government efforts with regards to Sustainability.
The Curious Case Of The Delta
The Delta Analysis presents the results on the State performance on year-on-year improvement. The rankings are measured as the Delta value over the last five to 10 years of data available for 12 Key Development Indicators (KDI). In PAI 2021, 12 indicators across the three Pillars of Equity (five indicators), Growth (five indicators) and Sustainability (two indicators). These KDIs are the outcome indicators crucial to assess Human Development. The Performance in the Delta Analysis is then compared to the Overall PAI 2021 Index.
Key Findings:-
In the Scheme of Things
The Scheme Analysis adds an additional dimension to ranking of the States on their governance. It attempts to complement the Governance Model by trying to understand the developmental activities undertaken by State Governments in the form of schemes. It also tries to understand whether better performance of States in schemes reflect in better governance.
The Centrally Sponsored schemes that were analysed are National Health Mission (NHM), Umbrella Integrated Child Development Services scheme (ICDS), Mahatma Gandh National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SmSA) and MidDay Meal Scheme (MDMS).
National Health Mission (NHM)
INTEGRATED CHILD DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ICDS)
MID- DAY MEAL SCHEME (MDMS)
SAMAGRA SHIKSHA ABHIYAN (SMSA)
MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL RURAL EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE SCHEME (MGNREGS)