The cartoon probably depicts the state of affairs much better :-
The Supreme Court has grappled with the question whether a provision in electoral law that makes it a corrupt practice to use religion, race, caste or language as a ground for canvassing votes in an election is a bar limited to the groups to which candidates or their rivals belong, or whether it is a general prohibition on sectarian appeals.
Section 123(3) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951, as amended in 1961, gave rise to this doubt. By a four-three majority, a seven-member Bench has ruled that it is a general prohibition on the use of religion or any other communal or sectarian value in the electoral arena.
The minority favoured limiting the ambit of the sub-section to cover only candidates who sought votes on such grounds, or the rivals they wanted the voters not to back on similar grounds.
That secularism is the bedrock of our democracy is undisputed. That the electoral process ought not to permit appeals to the electorate on these narrow grounds is equally beyond doubt. Against this backdrop, it is only logical that the Supreme Court should decide that it is a “corrupt practice” for candidates to use any caste or communal parameters to canvass for votes or to discredit a rival, regardless of whether the candidates themselves belong to such religious, communal or linguistic groups.
It is interesting that the dispute turned on a single pronoun, ‘his’, that was introduced in the 1961 amendment. The majority opinion favours a ‘purposive interpretation’, holding that it covered the candidates as well as the voter.
It finds support in legislative history and our constitutional ethos. The purpose of the amendment was to widen the scope of the particular corrupt practice. Given that secularism is a basic feature of the Constitution, it has been interpreted in the light of Parliament’s intention to prohibit any religious or sectarian appeal for votes.
There is a justifiable worry that a wider interpretation may lead to eliminating from the poll discourse political issues that turn on religion, caste or language.
After all, this is a country in which sections of society suffer deprivation and historical injustices based on religious or caste identity. But the overall message is clear.
It is left to the wisdom of judges dealing with election cases to draw the line between what is permissible and what is not, and look at the context in which some statements are made before deciding whether they constitute a corrupt practice.
The majority verdict will find resonance with all those who swear by the primacy of secularism in the public domain. The minority view nuances this with a reminder that legal issues need to be seen in their social context.
Our Analysis:-
- This indeed is a healthy sign for plurality of our democracy. Secularism is our bedrock, but the fact that there is no particular guideline laid down by the SC, where one can observe certain act and say “it violates the principle” is little worrisome.
- For example – A candidate may not seek votes on the grounds of religion,caste or community grounds, agreed. But what happens when there are implications to religion, caste or community.
- Example- If a candidate does not utter a word related to religion but puts giant religious poster behind the podium for all to see and interpret.
- Or what happens when a certain candidate is asked by the regional leaders to put on a religious symbol or offered to do so while on the podium. Or what if a candidate, gives reference to certain mythological story to bring a point home.
- There are a thousand ways to be thought of on how to appeal to certain sections of society based on religion, caste or community in a subtle manner or through symbolism.
- And that is exactly where it gets muddy. Society and Law are usually the “odd-couple” and the lesser the intervention is the better for both, as evident from our past.
- Then again, SC had to do something about polarization. But symbolism is as strong as uttering the words and the most difficult one to interpret , pin-point the the guilty and then punish.
- A better solution to this is to put the election issues in the election commission’s basket and give it some “teeth” to interpret/act upon it. And there is the issue of ” larger degree of subjectivity” as far as ‘purposive interpretation’ is concerned and is better left to the people who manage “elections”
- Learnings from Europe:-
- Lets us examine what happened in Europe in 1960s. Before 1960s Europe was a deeply religious state – there were fight between Catholics and Protestants. But, then people grew out of it and understood the relationship between state and papal authority and how they work together to control the masses.The deep understanding came because Europeans educated themselves to know the difference. A similar pattern can be observed in India, the last election of “2014” was probably won over a single agenda “development”. This shows that there is a paradigm shift in “political campaigns”. And the future is only going to be better and education of the mass is the key to any social reform. The leaders can chant or pray or do Namaz on the podium to garner votes, but they will loose relevance when the educated masses know that it is only “theatrics”.
- Eupore sanitized and secularized its society and politics in 1960s, it will take a while for India , but we are on the right path. Also there is “helplessness” before the judiciary, judiciary certainly can stop the candidates from preaching, but can they stop people from voting on the grounds of religion, caste or community. Hence the helplessness.
- Nevertheless, it is a welcome move because, it will act as a “deterrent” in the meanwhile. One could only hope that judiciary should mandate a 6-10% of GDP should be spent on education – but then that would be “day-dreaming” and a perfect example of “judicial overreach”.
Recent Posts
Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.