Background 

It’s akin to expecting someone to climb Mount Everest in a month, Rajan Wadhera says of having to leapfrog to the much stricter Bharat Stage VI (BS VI) emission norms from BS IV in less than three years.

The task at hand for Wadhera, president, automotive sector at Mahindra and Mahindra Ltd, involves upgrading and overhauling the entire manufacturing ecosystem to ensure it can handle several thousand tests, calibration and validation and also fits in well with the technology choices, while keeping a tight leash on costs.

That will make it one of the most mammoth research and development projects undertaken by the automotive industry in India, says Timothy Leverton, chief technology officer at Tata Motors Ltd.

The transition will involve overhauling the working dynamics of the automakers and will alter the cost structure forever, Leverton says.

So what differentiates the BS VI standard from BS IV?

It’s the introduction of advanced technologies to ensure pollutants emitted by the vehicles are reduced and comply with the specified limits. It will also mean a number of changes to be made in the engine systems.

The implementation of the advanced emission norms might still be three years away, but Wadhera and Leverton are already racing against time to execute the most complex project of their careers.

The task is more onerous for companies that have products spanning several categories, ranging from cars and SUVs to two-wheelers and trucks. Such a portfolio means that the companies would have to invest more resources and time to build the requisite capabilities for successfully executing the programme.

Tata Motors, for instance, uses 34 different engines and has 150 vehicle programmes that will be fitted with those engines. “We have such a huge range to work on—from Magic Iris to 49-tonne trucks,” says Leverton. “Europe took nine years to go to the effective equivalent of BS VI, we have to do it in three. It’s a huge programme.” 

Mahindra’s Wadhera echoes similar sentiments. “In my last 50 years, I have not seen this kind of challenge. It’s far more difficult than most of the technical transformations that I have seen so far.”

To understand the challenges Wadhera and Leverton face, it is worth diving into the underlying emission technologies.

To achieve a reduction in particulate matter by 82% and oxides of nitrogen (NOx) by 68%, auto makers need a combination of technologies—one is the diesel particulate filter (DPF), a device designed to remove diesel particulate matter, or soot, from the exhaust gas of a diesel engine.

Then there’s selective catalytic reduction (SCR) and exhaust gas re-circulation (EGR), which is for NOx reduction.

SCR is a process that uses a catalyst to convert NOx in exhaust gases to nitrogen and water, which are then released into the air. In EGR, the engine re-circulates a portion of the exhaust gas back to the engine cylinders depriving it of certain amount of oxygen thereby leading to lower temperature burn. This reduces NOx emissions, but produces more PM, which is reduced using diesel oxidation catalyst (DOC) and particulate filter.

Auto parts shake-up

The transition is also an inflection point for auto component makers—both Indian and multinationals. By acquiring technologies and capabilities through joint ventures, home-grown companies see this as a chance to move up the value chain.

For multinationals such as Germany’s Bosch AG and America’s Cummins Inc., it’s an opportunity to develop a solution for a market that is unique, and create an economy of scale for low-cost emission control systems and technologies that can be used in other emerging markets.

“The shift to BS VI is set to shake up the auto component industry,” says Raghuttama Rao, a former managing director at Icra Management Consulting Services Ltd. According to Rao, only those that have the requisite technology will be able to pass muster. He expects dominance of global auto component makers to increase, either directly or indirectly.

Jan O. Röhrl, chief technology officer and head of mobility solutions business for India at Bosch Ltd says: “It’s a huge step as compared to a BS IV since the capacity requirement for a BS VI is increased by a factor of 4 to 5.”

The shift, he adds, is an opportunity for the automaker and Bosch as a supplier, pointing out that the company will draw from its previous learnings as it has supplied the same globally and can do the same even in India.

Owing to its long presence in the country, it already has modern testing facilities. Additionally, in May, Bosch broke ground for the second phase of its Bidadi plant near Bengaluru with an investment of around Rs500-600 crore. The unit will manufacture parts for BS VI compliant vehicles as well.

The local arm of the German component maker is developing a lean electronic fuel injection system (LEFIS) for three-wheelers that will help them meet the BS VI norms. 

“We knew that in a cost-sensitive market like India, customers would face the difficulty of being able to afford a fuel injection system that was relevant to European conditions,” he says. The challenge, therefore, was to design a system for India that would not just meet the stringent particulate matter (PM) and NOx emissions of BS VI but also be cost-effective and robust to survive “the harsh use-case here”, he says.

A combination of mechanical pump and electronically controlled smart fuel injectors, LEFIS is estimated to go into series testing phase by mid-2019 and enter 2020 fully prepared to meet the BS VI emission regulation, he says.

Sandeep Sinha, chief operating officer at Cummins India Ltd, says the real challenge is not engines or engine technology as that’s already available, but system integration and optimizing them as per Indian driving cycle and the time required for calibration and validation. Cummins is one of the largest engine makers in the country.

The cost of developing an engine platform averages from Rs150 crore to Rs200 crore, according to Sinha. Cummins is investing Rs1,000 crore in setting up the world’s biggest research and development centre in Pune. The centre, which will start operations from the third quarter of fiscal 2017, will also have test cells for BS VI engines and will help the firm localize a lot of critical parts that are currently imported.

BS VI is a challenge as well as an opportunity for the industry as none of the Euro 6 markets have bikes with small engines, according to Deepak Jain, managing director of Lumax Auto Industries, a Gurgaon-based company that supplies lighting systems for vehicles. Manufacturers in India would have to develop a cost-effective solution from the ground up.

To be sure, it’s not the technical capability which is worrying auto firms as quite a few of them have been exporting Euro 6 vehicles to several markets. “The technology isn’t extremely difficult, but you can’t simply take what is available in Europe and transplant it in India as our driving cycle is very different,” says Vinod Dasari, managing director of Ashok Leyland Ltd. “We will have to apply Indian innovation and this will require investment and time.”

Driving cycle refers to the speed of a vehicle versus time.

It’s the challenge of executing the project of such a huge scale which is giving sleepless nights to companies. As the intermediary BS V stage has been skipped, there’s a time crunch and firms would have to develop and optimize the DPF and SCR systems in parallel, instead of doing it sequentially. 

“I know how to do it. But I need to know how to do it better than others,” says Dasari.

Mahindra’s Wadhera agrees. “It’s not about the technology per se as I have it, my challenge is to multiply it over various platforms in that order, go through the grind with perfection. In the process of doing that, I don’t have to compromise on fuel efficiency,” he says.

Mahindra’s large portfolio of models explains Wadhera’s worries. The company has 10 vehicle platforms across several product categories including cars, SUVs, trucks and pick-ups. For each, it would need at least 20 people and three years’ time to develop a good DPF with good test facility. It needs 5,000 hours on the test bed and at least 700 tests on the chassis dynamometer, a device for measurement and testing developed to simulate the road on a roller in a controlled environment, mainly inside the building. The vehicle is fixed to a building with a restraint device.

To test these technologies for best results, their performance needs to be monitored in every season and across various terrains, says Wadhera. “You are trying to evolve a methodology for calibration. To ensure the technology developed is foolproof, you need a minimum of two cycles—two years, two seasons,” he explains, adding that any laxity in testing and validating the functioning of the device can be a major safety hazard.

The second technology is SCR, which too has a development cycle of three years. It will take close to 4,000 hours of test-bed running. It will need chassis dynamometer and will necessitate development of several new parts and around 20 to 25 new vehicle systems.

There is also the challenge of packaging them all efficiently in the limited space without compromising on fuel efficiency. The addition of parts and aggregates such as the DPF , a urea tank, dozing unit for NOx (required in SCR) will increase the weight of the vehicle by at least 40-50kg. The additional weight can impact the fuel efficiency.

Economies of scale

To be able to develop both DPF and SCR technology simultaneously, across 10 vehicle platforms, Mahindra will need 400 skilled people—20 people per platform. “Manpower needs to be skilled, who will teach them? It’s a new technology. We are struggling, it’s a mammoth challenge,” says Wadhera.

Unlike BS IV and BS V where one can manage with either one of the technologies—EGR or SCR, BS VI needs both. Therefore, the complexity increases manifold, says Leverton. The sheer content means that the number of engineers and test facilities one needs, will have to be accelerated.

One of the biggest areas of engineering activity for example, is in the areas of electronic control calibration—“you make the basic system and you have to adapt it to an application of a vehicle”, he says, pointing out that Tata Motors needs three times the number of calibration engineers it currently has.

The average cost of calibrating and developing each of the ten BS VI platforms could be anywhere between Rs75 crore to Rs100 crore, depending on the extent to which a company seeks external help and engages firms such as FAB, Ricardo and AVL that specialize in emission technology, says Wadhera.

In the run-up to the BS VI implementation in April 2020, Ashok Leyland is likely to spend anywhere between Rs200 crore to Rs400 crore, says Dasari. This is inclusive of infrastructure and people costs, among other things. Ashok Leyland will need to hire around 100 engineers, he says.

It’s critical to do it all at a competitive cost so that Indian companies can compete with big multinationals, who have it all—technical capability, experience, and deep pockets.

“We would be much rather on the lower side. With lower costs, we’ll have a much better pricing power,” says Wadhera, pointing out that the economies of scale Indian companies have will put them in good stead vis-à-vis foreign rivals.


 

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    INTRODUCTION

    Since most of the early scholars, researchers and historians were men, many aspects of society did not find a place in history books. For example, child-birth, menstruation, women’s work, transgenders, households etc. did not find much mention.

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    Rather than building a holistic picture of the past, some select aspects such as polity and the different roles of men became the central focus of history writing. Women were confined to one corner of the chapter where a paragraph or two was devoted to the ‘status and position of women’.

    Even the details of these paragraphs were hardly different from each other. This made it look like as if history (and thereby society, polity, economy and all culture) belonged to men while women were only a small static unit to be mentioned separately. Of course, there were some exceptions, but these were however rare. This practice is being corrected now and the roles and presence of women are being read into all parts of historical questions.

    SOURCES FOR UNDERSTANDING GENDER HISTORY

    Sources are the bases of history writing. From simple pre-historic tools to abstruse texts, everything can be utilized to understand life and roles of women in history. The presence as well as the absence of women from sources needs to be duly noticed, deliberated and argued upon and only then to be theorised upon.

    Certain objects being directly related to the lives of women or depicting the ideas of the female principle are of central importance. These include but are not limited to female figurines, art objects, texts attributed to or authored or compiled by women, monuments created by or for women, various objects relating to their lifestyle, objects associated with women on account of their cultural roles and so on.

    It has been rightly pointed out by Uma Chakravarti that much of the gender history written in early phase was a ‘partial view from above’. This referred to the utilization of select textual sources and focused only on relational identity of women. There were, however, a few exceptions.

    GENDER HISTORIOGRAPHY

    Amongst the many narratives propagated to denigrate Indian civilization and culture by the British colonial rulers, the condition of Indian women became a point of central reference. Various social evils that made the life of women miserable were pointed out and efforts were also made to introduce ‘reforms.’ Sati, child-marriages, imposed widowhood, polygamy, dowry, educational and economic inequality, purdah (ghoonghat) and many other practices prevailed during the colonial period that made the life of women difficult and pitiable.

    Some practices affected women of higher social and economic households while others led to misery for poorer women. Many social reform movements were started in the 19th century to address these issues and contributions were made by Indian reformers as well as British officials and other Europeans.

    Women in India came to be treated as a homogeneous category and over generalisation became the norm. While many communities in India practised widow remarriage and did not practise (much less forced) sati and while some practised divorces or separation, the image of the Indian woman who had been subjugated as woman, wife and widow became a dominant theme in history writing.

    Secondly, a western vision was placed over the non-western societies and hence interpretations were far removed from the context. For example, notion of stridhan was equated with dowry and little regard was paid to the provisions regarding its use and ownership by women.

    The huge social stigma that came along with the selling of jewellery of the household (one of the main components of stridhan) was paid no attention to. Similarly, penal provisions listed by ancient texts for misappropriation of women’s property were not even looked into.

    During the Paleolithic age, hunting and gathering was norm. However much importance was given to Hunting than gathering in all literature of history. Studies, however, show that hunted prey formed only 35% of the diet while gathering fruits and other edible material supplied the major portion. Gathering of food resources was ordinarily done by women. Since gathering was an important activity, more than hunting for game, it could point to significant role playing by women.

    The gendered understanding of Harappan civilization is being built upon and various archaeological remains have been studied in this respect. The female figurines, idols of pregnant women, the statue of the ‘dancing girl’, various pieces of jewellery and personal belongings that have been discovered at various sites and offer useful insights on the public and private lives of women and men.

    The statue of a girl obtained from Mohanjodaro has been called a ‘dancing girl’ on grounds of familiarity with the institution of devadasis in the later times. Such backward looking explanations are problematic.

    There is a wide variety of terracotta female figurines that have been found at different sites right from the pre-Harappan times. Women figures are found suckling a baby, holding utensils, kneading dough, nursing infants, carrying objects like drums, seated figures for board games, with steatopygia (fat deposition on the hips and elsewhere), with floral head-dresses and in many other forms.

    Even figurines of pregnant women are quite common. However, most of these have been uncritically associated with fertility, religiosity and reproductive ideas, and have been passed off as representations of the Mother Goddesses. While some of them were votive objects, others are held to be toys or other utilities. The focus on female form has been so stereotypical that women have been seen as associated only with home, hearth, fertility, sexuality and divinity. So much so that sometimes even male figurines in assumed womanly roles were classified as female figurines.

    POSITION OF WOMEN IN EARLY INDIA

    The first literary tradition in the Indian subcontinent (and the oldest in the world) is that of the Vedic corpus. From the four Samhitas to the Upanishads, we find many interesting references to women in various roles. Some of these women have left their mark on the cultural heritage to this day and are remembered in various ritual and social contexts. Their names, stories, some highly revered hymns, and other interesting facets are mentioned in the Vedic corpus.

    The Vedic literature has been classified as Early Vedic and Later Vedic. The Rigvedic society and polity seems to be teeming with life and agro-pastoral economy was enmeshed in close kinship ties. Women as well as men participated in society, economy and polity. Some of the most revered hymns including the gayatri mantra are ascribed to women.

    Various natural phenomena are depicted as Goddesses and they are offered prayers. While quantitative analysis highlights the predominance of Indra, Agni, Varuna and other male gods, the power and stature of the goddesses is equally well established.

    Women participated in all three Vedic socio-political assemblies viz. Sabha, Samiti and Vidhata. They had access to education and were even engaged in knowledge creation. They could choose to be brahmavadinis with or without matrimony.

    Hence, there is no reason to believe that they were only confined to home and hearth. T. S. Rukmani attempts to understand if women had agency in early India. Her work has highlighted many interesting details. The author acknowledges the fact that though the patriarchal set up put women at a loss, there were instances where women found space to exercise their agency.

    She points out that though the texts like the Kalpasutras (Srautasutras, Dharmasutras and Grhasutras) revolved around the ideology of Dharma and there was not much space to express alternative ideas, still these works also find some leeway to express ideas reflecting changed conditions.

    For example, there is a statement in the Apastamba Dharmasutra that one should follow what women say in the funeral samskaras. Stephanie Jamison believes that in hospitality and exchange relations, women played an important role. She says that the approval of the wife was important in the successful completion of the soma sacrifice. In another study it has been shown that women enjoyed agency in deciding what was given in a sacrifice, bhiksha to a sanyasin. The men had no authority in telling her what to do in these circumstances.

    Vedic society was the one which valued marriage immensely. In such contexts, Gender Perspectives if a woman chose not to marry, then it would point to her exercising choice in her decision to go against the grain and remain unmarried.

    Mention may be made of Gargi. She was a composer of hymns and has been called a brahmavadini. This term applies to a woman who was a composer of hymns and chose to remain unmarried, devoting herself to the pursuit of learning.

    Similarly, in the case of Maitreyi, she consciously opts to be educated in the Upanishadic lore and Yajnavalkya does not dissuade her from exercising her choice.

    The statement in the Rigveda that learned daughters should marry learned bridegrooms indicates that women had a say in marriage. Though male offspring is desired, there is a mantra in the Rigveda, recitation of which ensures the birth of a learned daughter.

    Altekar refers to the yajnas like seethayagna, rudrayajna etc. that were to be performed exclusively by women. Some of the women were known for their exceptional calibre, for example, from the Rigveda Samhita we find mention of women like Apala, Ghosha, Lopamudra, Gargi, Maitreyi, Shachi, Vishwavara Atri, Sulabha and others.

    Women have not only been praised as independent individuals but also with reference to their contributions towards their natal or marital families.

    The Later Vedic literature shows the progression towards a State society with a change in the organization of the society and polity. The chief comes to be referred to as bhupati instead of gopati. However, within the twelve important positions (ratnis) mentioned, the chief queen retains a special position under the title mahisi.

    The importance of the chief queen continued as gleaned from several references to them in the Epics, Arthashastra and even in coins and epigraphs from early historical times.

    The other Samhitas also refer to women sages such as Rishikas. The wife is referred to as sahadharmini. Brahmanas or the texts dealing with the performance of the yajna (Vedic ritual), requires a man to be accompanied by his wife to be able to carry out rituals.

    For example, Aitareya Brahmana looks upon the wife as essential to spiritual wholesomeness of the husband. However, there is a mention of some problematic institutions as well.

    Uma Chakravarti has pointed towards the condition of Vedic Dasis (female servant/slave) who are referred to in numerous instances. They were the objects of dana (donation/gift) and dakshina (fee).

    It is generally believed that from the post Vedic period the condition of the women steadily deteriorated. However, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi and subsequent grammatical literature speak highly of women acharyas and Upadhyayas.

    Thus, the memory and practice of a brahmavadini continued even after the Vedic period. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and even the Puranas keep the memory of brhamavadini alive.

    Mention may be made of Anasuya, Kunti, Damyanti, Draupadi, Gandhari, Rukmini who continued to fire the imagination of the poets. Texts show that the daughter of Kuni-garga refused marriage because she did not find anyone worthy of her.

    The Epics also mention women whose opinions were sought in major events. For example, after the thirteen years of exile, while debating upon the future course of action regarding the restoration of their share, the Pandavas along with Krshna asks Draupadi for her views. Similarly, when Krishna goes to the Kaurava’s court to plead the case of Pandavas, Gandhari is called upon to persuade her sons to listen to reason.

    Since a woman taking sanyasa was an act of transgression, one can explore women’s agency through such instances. In the Ramayana, Sabari, who was the disciple of Sage Matanga, and whose hermitage was on the banks of river Pampa was one such sanyasin.

    Such women find mention in Smriti literature and Arthashashtra. Kautilya’s prohibition against initiating women into Sanyasa can make sense only if women were being initiated into sanyasa. He advises the king to employ female parivrajakas as spies.

    Megasthenes mentions women who accompanied their husbands to the forest, probably referring to the Vanaprastha stage. Another category of literature called Shastras that comprises of sutras (aphorisms) and the smriti texts (‘that which is remembered’) becomes important in the postVedic period.

    These textual traditions cover many subjects relating to the four kinds of pursuits of life referred to as purusharthas (namely dharma, karma, kama and moksha). In all these texts we find very liberal values and freedom for both women and men.

    The setting up of a household is seen as an ideal for men as well as women (though asceticism for learning is equally praised for both). For example, Apastambha Sutra opines that rituals carried out by an unmarried man do not please the devatas (divinities). Similarly, Manusmriti provides that ‘for three years shall a girl wait after the onset of her puberty; after that time, she may find for herself a husband of equal status. If a woman who has not been given in marriage finds a husband on her own, she does not incur any sin, and neither does the man she finds’

    Thus, we see that women enjoyed choice in matters of matrimony. It is interesting to note that unmarried daughters were to be provided for by the father. In fact, daughter is stated to be the object of utmost affection. Should a girl lose her parents, her economic interests were well looked after. It was provided that from their shares, ‘the brothers shall give individually to the unmarried girls, one-quarter from the share of each. Those unwilling to give will become outcastes’

    With regards to defining contemporary attitude towards women, Apastambha Sutra prescribed that ‘All must make a way for a woman when she is treading a path.’ Later Dharmashastra also makes similar statements.

    Yagnavalkyasmriti mentions that ‘women are the embodiment of all divine virtues on earth.’ However, there are several provisions that look problematic.

    On one hand, we have reverence assigned to the feminine (divine and worldly) and important roles being played by them, on the other hand we have questionable provisions and descriptions like right to chastise them through beating or discarding.

    The post-Vedic phase from 6th century BCE onwards is also rich in literary traditions with ample depictions of women. Interestingly, we have an entire body of literature that is ascribed totally to women who became Buddhist nuns. These are referred to as Therigathas i.e. the Songs of the Elder Bhikkhunis (Buddhist Women who joined the Sangha).

    The Arthashastra Gender Perspectives gives us information on women who were engaged in economic activities of various kinds. They formed a part of both the skilled and the unskilled workforce. They were into professional as well as non-professional employment.

    Some of their vocations were related to their gender, while the others were not. There were female state employees as well as independent working women. Similarly, some of them were engaged in activities which though not dependent on their biological constitution are nonetheless categorized as women’s domain, e.g. domestic services etc. Some of them were actual state employees, while some others were in contractual relations with the State. For example, we have female bodyguards and spies in the State employment.

    Jaiswal suggests that these women perhaps came from Bhila or Kirata tribe. Female spies were not only to gather information and relay it to proper source, but also to carry out assassinations. However, a closer look at the text shows that there were different classes of female spies engaged for different purposes. Amongst others ‘women skilled in arts were to be employed as spies living inside their houses’. Others were required to work as assassins. Some were to the play the roles of young and beautiful widows to tempt the lust of greedy enemy.

    We also have various Buddhist and Jaina traditions giving us some glimpses of the ideas and institutions of the times. Apart from the orthodox (Vedic and Brahmanic) and heterodox normative tradition we have many popular texts like the Epics in Sanskrit and Jatakas in Pali.

    Even Prakrit language has many interesting narratives and poetic texts. The Therigatha by the Buddhist nuns are an interesting literary source that provides us with a glimpse of various women who attained arhantship or similar other stages of Realisation.

    The deliberation on the age and deterioration of the body by Ambapali, the non-importance of sensual or bodily pleasures by Nanda, Vimla and Shubha etc points towards the intellectual and spiritual engagements and attainments of women.

    It is interesting to note that an absolutely contrary picture is presented by the Jatakas wherein more often than not, women are depicted as evil. It is important to note that women were given an evil aura mostly in their roles as wives or beloveds.

    Both the texts and the archaeological remains have been studied by various scholars and opposing interpretations are not rare. For example, on one side Sita (from Ramayana) and Draupadi (from Mahabharata) have been seen as victims of the patriarchal order; on the other hand, they are also represented as selfwilled women.

    Draupadi after the game of dice presents herself as a forceful and articulate woman. It’s her wit that saves her husbands from becoming slaves of the Kauravas. Her incensed outrage at the attack on her modesty, her bitter lamentations to Krishna, her furious tirade against Yudhishthira for his seeming inability to defend her honour and many more such instances show her to be an aggressive woman. This persona is juxtaposed to her representations as an ideal wife elsewhere. However, Draupadi is never idealised as a perfect wife who endures the most severe trials without complaint. This honour is reserved for Sita in the Ramayana. She is also presented as a victim like Draupadi and voices her concern at her fate openly. However, her aggression is directed inwards as indicated by her action against the self which culminate in her union with the mother Earth.

    Are the limited number of hymns ascribed to the Vedic women a signifier of their general status? Are the goddesses merely representational with no connection to the ideas and behaviour towards women? Did only princesses choose their spouses? Are the warrior women an exception? Such searching questions need to be addressed with due diligence.

    While women studies are a good development there is a need to expand the horizons to include other varieties of human existence. We have narratives of fluid sexuality in various texts. The one year of Arjuna’s life spent as Brihallana and rebirth of Amba as Shikhandi are some interesting instances. The artefacts found at the site of Sheri Khan Tarakai include visibly hermaphroditic figurines. There is a need to understand the notions of the feminine, masculine, neuter, and other forms of gender and sexual identities. These will have ramifications for understanding the ideas of conjugality, family, community, society and even polity and spirituality.

    CONCLUSION

    Human civilisations were built by men as well as women, however, history writing has a huge male-bias. Women were confined to questions of status and position that were largely evaluated in terms of their roles in the domestic sphere.

    Their treatment as wives and widows became a central focus of most research alongside their place in ritual or religious context. This made them peripheral to mainstream history. This was questioned by various scholars from time to time and led to the development of gendered understanding of history. Focusing attention on women’s history helps to rectify the method which sees women as a monolithic homogeneous category. Writing gender history has helped in building an image of the past that is wholesome and nuanced.