By Categories: History
The ancient Indus Valley. (Wikimedia Commons)

The ancient Indus Valley.

Snapshot

The discovery of the cities of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa in the early twentieth century, was the greatest archaeological feat in Indian History. It not only brought an ancient civilisation to light, but also pushed the antiquity of India back by several millennia. However, there were other discoveries, prior to the excavation of Harappan civilisation, which changed the way Indian history was perceived. These discoveries were results of scholarship, imperial rivalries and chance encounters. Together, these discoveries extended the influence of ancient India, far beyond its territories.

The Enterprising India

One of the earliest such discovery was the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. The document has been around since 1533, as a translation of an earlier manuscript. However, in 1800, William Vincent, the Dean of Westminster, published the translation of the Periplus, with his commentary and historically corroborated date of the document. The Periplus is now believed to have written in the middle of first century by a sailor or a merchant, as a first-hand account.

The document records direct trade relations between Roman Egypt and India. At the time of its writing, the trade from ports of Egypt was conducted by up to 120 ships every year, setting sail to India, following the monsoon winds. Barygaza (modern Bharuch in Gujarat) and Muziris (in modern Kerala) feature prominently in the Periplus. The recent discovery of the port of Muziris, mentioned in the Periplus, in Kodungallur, corroborates the records. Large hordes of Roman coins have been found in various places in Kerala and as far away as in Tamil Nadu, suggesting brisk Roman trade with India. The Periplusapart from telling us about a direct trade route between India and Egypt, also suggests that India was a major international export hub since early centuries of the Common Era. The need to lower the cost of imports, made the Romans, study the monsoon patterns, bypass the Arab intermediaries and establish direct trade contacts with the Indians.

The Zero And Ancient Mathematics

The second discovery was the Bakhshali manuscript. It was found in 1881, in the village of Bakhshali, Mardan (modern Pakistan). The manuscript was discovered by a villager while he was digging a stone enclosure. Along with the manuscript he also discovered an earthen lamp, a pencil and an earthen pot with perforated bottom. Having no formal training in archaeological excavation, much of the manuscript was lost while the villager pulled it out, from the enclosure. It was handed over to the assistant commissioner of Mardan and it eventually reached the Oxford University in 1902. The manuscript is written in Sharada script and deals in mathematical subjects like algebra, geometry and mensuration. However, the most important discovery in the manuscript was the use of zero as a number.

Until recently, it was believed that the first recorded evidence of use of zero dated back to mid ninth century in a temple in Gwalior. The Bakhshali manuscript was not dated until 2017. Scholars debated the date of its writing and assigned it a date between third and twelfth centuries, with most Western scholars favouring a later date. The zero in the manuscript is represented by a single dot. While rest of the world now uses the modern symbol for zero, the Arabs still use the dot. This is probably because the Arabs borrowed the Indic numerals when zero in India was still represented by a single dot. The Oxford University, after more than a century of acquiring it, decided to carbon date the manuscript, in 2017. It was found that the earliest dates of recorded zero now go back to the third century. This has pushed back the use of zero by almost 500 years than previously thought.

A Transnational Civilisation

The third discovery was that of the Bower manuscript. Discovered in 1890, in Kucha in Chinese Turkestan (modern Xinjiang), the manuscript was discovered by local treasure hunters. They sold it to a local haji, Ghulam Qadir. He in turn sold a part of it to a British Lieutenant, Hamilton Bower. The manuscript, written in late Brahmi script, was a Sanskrit text on Ayurveda, divination and incantation. Based on the language and script, the manuscript was dated to the Gupta Age. More than the contents of the manuscript, it was the location that baffled the historians. Not much was known about Chinese Turkestan back in 1890 and no one knew that it was a major oasis on the ancient Silk Road. Finding an Indian text, deep in the Taklamakan desert was a proof that ancient India had flourishing trade and cultural contacts with China. This was the first time that hard evidence was available on India’s influence beyond the Karakoram. The discovery and translation of Bower’s manuscript, as it came to be known, was path breaking. It led to a race among the major European powers to collect antiquities from Central Asia and more evidence of Indian influence by means of trade and dispersal of Buddhism came to the fore.

Setting The Kushan Record Straight

The fourth discovery is recent, but had significant impact on dating of the ancient history of India. In 1993, Afghanistan was fighting a bitter civil war, following the Russian withdrawal. A mujahideen, while digging a trench, in a village called Rabatak, discovered a stone slab with inscriptions. In a war torn country, where rival camps were trying to establish an Islamic state, taking care of the antiquities was not a priority. However, the slab, somehow reached the local commander, Sayyidjaffar Nadiri. He asked a British aid worker to take a video of the slab and send it to London. The video reached Professor Nicholas Sims-Williams at the British Museum and he did the first translation. However, parts of it could not be translated since the professor has not seen the actual inscription. While the inscription was lying at the commander’s house, fighting intensified and his house was sacked. No one knew where the inscription was.

In 2000, Dr Jonathan Lee, a specialist in Afghan history, who had seen the inscription on a previous occasion, returned to Afghanistan. He wanted to find the inscription and give it another read. However, between his last visit and year 2000, much had changed. The mujahideen were no longer tolerant of pre-Islamic antiquities. In the very next year the Bamyan Buddha would be destroyed by the Taliban. Upon inquiry, Dr Lee was given multiple versions of what could have happened to the inscription, including it been sold off in London. However, it was eventually found in a depot of the Department of Mines, in Pul-i-Khumri. Upon its full reading the correct genealogy of the Kushans were established and correct dates were assigned to their rule.

The inscription gives some valuable information on the administration of the Kushans. After settling down, the Kushans discontinued Greek and adopted Bactrian as their administrative language. Kanishka, in whose name the inscription is issued, invokes Persian, Indian and local Bactrian gods, to establish his credentials as a son of the soil. He also gives the chronological detail of his lineage, thus settling the debate around Kushan chronology. We also see the Persian influence of assigning grand titles to kings, in the inscription. Kanishka calls himself, “king of kings”, a translation of pre-Islamic Persian term, Shahenshah.

Together, these discoveries contributed in enriching the ancient Indian history. In some cases, like that of the Bower Manuscript, they also changed the history of far off places. It was the discovery of the Bower Manuscript that led to further discoveries in the Taklamakan, which eventually recreated the ancient trade route, now known as the Silk Road. The manuscripts in China, Buddhism in Japan, Indian Cinnamon in Exodus (30:23) and the Hindu/Buddhist kingdoms of Southeast Asia, all tell us a story. That India in the ancient time was the commercial and cultural hub of the then known world. The modern equivalent being the United States. But unlike US, ancient India commanded power and respect based entirely on its soft power.

 


Share is Caring, Choose Your Platform!

Receive Daily Updates

Stay updated with current events, tests, material and UPSC related news

Recent Posts

  • Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,

    [wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]

    Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.

    This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.

    It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.

    The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.

    Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.

    India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.

    More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.

    An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.

    India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.

    Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.

    And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.

    A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.

    We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.

    We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.

    In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.