Background :- There has been a considerable amount of debate on the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) as long as we can remember.It has been extensively covered by both news media and print media.Views from various corners and writings by many learned man conclude that it should be repealed , yet irrespective of who is in Government , it has not been repealed, even though few representatives of Government are in favor to repeal AFSPA.Hence , it lets one think why it has not been repealed and will it ever be repealed ? In this context , we at UPSCTREE tried to explore this irony , given it’s importance in public administration , it has to be inquired with due care.
Intorduction :-
- The Armed Forces (Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Ordinance came into force on May 22, 1958. It was adopted by the Indian parliament on September 11, 1958
- The AFSPA was based on a 1942 British colonial ordinance that was intended to contain the Indian independence movement in the midst of the Second World War
- In the decade that followed, the northeast was divided into separate states to accommodate the ethnic claims of various tribal and other ethnic groups. In 1972, the AFSPA was amended to extend to all the new states
- In 1983, an almost identical law was enacted to counter militancy in Punjab state.While the law was allowed to lapse in Punjab once violence ended, a similar law has remained in force in Jammu and Kashmir state since 1990.
- Though the law was initially intended to be a short-term measure, for five decades many areas of the northeastern states have routinely (now every six months) continued to be declared “disturbed” so that the law can remain in force.
- Irom Chanu Sharmila who is also known as the “Iron Lady of Manipur” is a civil rights activist, who has been in a hunger strike for nearly 15 years. Her primary demand to the Indian government has been the repeal of the AFSPA.
Provisions in AFSPA:-
- Section 3 of the AFSPA provides that the government can decide ,whole or part of a state “is in such a disturbed or dangerous condition that the use of armed forces in aid of the civil powers in necessary.”
- The maintenance of law and order is the responsibility of the state government under the Indian Constitution.As originally enacted, the power to declare an area to be “disturbed” was conferred only upon the state government. In 1972 the AFSPA was amended to provide that same power concurrently to the central government. An elected state government thus cannot refuse the deployment of federal armed forces.
- On the other hand, the state government has no authority to reprimand or prosecute those members of the armed forces that commit human rights violations against citizens of that state as this power is reserved for the central government
- The AFSPA provides broad powers to military officers to use force, including lethal force. Section 4(a) empowers any commissioned or non-commissioned officer in the armed forces, to:-
“If he is of opinion that it is necessary so to do for the maintenance of public order, after giving such due warning as he may consider necessary, fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law or order for the time being in force in the disturbed area prohibiting the assembly of five or more persons or the carrying of weapons or of things capable of being used as weapons or of fire-arms, ammunition or explosive substances“
Human rights activists say that this section of the law effectively provides security forces operating under the AFSPA with a “license to kill.”
- Section 6 of the AFSPA provides government security forces with immunity from prosecution.
Supreme Court’s observation:-
- The AFSPA has been challenged in the courts. In 1980, a Manipuri group named the Human Rights Forum filed a public interest litigation in the Supreme Court, challenging the constitutional validity of the AFSPA. The Naga People’s Movement for Human Rights and the People’s Union for Democratic Rights also moved separate writ petitions on the same issue in 1982. However, the Supreme Court did not proceed in the matter for 15 years.
- In 1997, a five-member bench headed by Chief Justice J.S. Verma finally ruled on the petitions challenging the act. The various petitions were combined into the case of Naga People’s Movement of Human Rights, etc. vs. Union of India
- The Supreme Court upheld the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in its final verdict on November 27, 1997. However, while concluding that parliament had the right to enact such a law, the judges ordered measures for the protection of human rights, ruling that the armed forces should “use minimal force required for effective action” and “strictly follow the instructions contained in the list of “Do’s and Don’ts” issued by the army authorities which are binding”
Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee on AFSPA:-
- The Jeevan Reddy committee recommended that while the AFSPA should be repealed, some provisions should be incorporated into the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967.
- The proposed amendments include a provision for an independent “Grievances Cell” to inquire into complaints of human rights violations, and a requirement that the commander or local headquarters of the unit or appropriate police authorities furnish relevant information to the Grievances Cell within 24 hours of receiving a request.
- The recommendations are rejected by the government.
Various facet of AFSPA : –
- To sum up , AFSPA gives enough power to the army to act in disturbed areas .The core debate surrounding this act is the alleged human rights violations by Army from time to time.
- Idealism vs Realism
- Most of the arguments against AFSPA are idealistic in nature i.e. the arguments does not include the concerns of army , it only displays the concerns of one side, thus while journalists label it as a ” Draconian law” or “Right to kill” , the adjectives are far too sensational in nature , which selectively excludes the sensitivity of the issue.
- First principle of security is to accept the reality as it is and not what one wants it to be . Thus , Army has taken a pragmatic stand and advocated that AFSPA as sine qua non for counter insurgency operation in disturbed areas.
- The disturbed areas for eg- Jammu & Kashmir or North-East region , have not been peaceful as yet due to various secessionist movements.These areas have convergence of both India’s internal and external security .Thus given the strategic importance of these regions and the huge international porous border , AFSPA becomes the necessary tool in the hands of Army.It is an evil but a necessary one.
- The disturbed areas are far from peace and cross border terrorism and secessionist movements are active , thus making it hard for the Government to repeal AFSPA.
- Retired General Bikram Singh’s Observation on AFSPA :-
- He holds that the time is not right to repeal AFSPA.He comments that the decision has to be taken in the backdrop of violence profile, in the backdrop of what can happen in future, in the backdrop of futuristic contours.
- Army is there as the state govt. does not have adequate apparatus to deal with issues that have cross-border implications .Many army men have made the supreme sacrifice to uphold the national interest and national security in these regions.
- On the contrary, it is undoubtedly clear that human rights violations have taken place and in a Free Society like India , it is necessary that this concerns are addressed too.
Conclusion:- From the above observations it is clear that , to repeal AFSPA , there are few per-requisites , such as – end of secessionist movements, effective management of border and end of cross-border terrorism.Hence , indifferent to our wish, AFSPA is going to stay in the near future. In the same vein, it will be a blunder to completely ignore the human rights issues arising out of this provision. To contain the human rights violation and to uphold national interest is a walk on a two-edged sword,which needs perfect balancing act. Measures by Army to sensitize its soldiers and make them sensitive to the people’s cause is of paramount importance.A learned soldier with a higher degree of empathy is the necessity of the hour and it can be achieved by the Army itself. Soldier’s emotional intelligence profiling for sensitive posting , should be inculcated by the Army. It is often said that a good man can run a bad institution better and this is what is needed of Army now , to post good men , who can exercise self-restraint in sensitive operation and see to it that human rights are not violated. From futuristic perspective, AFSPA should be repealed or replaced with a law that has greater protocols and addresses the human right needs.
P.S :- Please note that we try to be as objective as possible in our analysis , the conclusions written in Essays and Reflections are exclusive to UPSCTREE .If you have any suggestions , kindly write to us – upsctree@upsctree.com . Thank you.
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In a diverse country like India, where each State is socially, culturally, economically, and politically distinct, measuring Governance becomes increasingly tricky. The Public Affairs Index (PAI 2021) is a scientifically rigorous, data-based framework that measures the quality of governance at the Sub-national level and ranks the States and Union Territories (UTs) of India on a Composite Index (CI).
States are classified into two categories – Large and Small – using population as the criteria.
In PAI 2021, PAC defined three significant pillars that embody Governance – Growth, Equity, and Sustainability. Each of the three Pillars is circumscribed by five governance praxis Themes.
The themes include – Voice and Accountability, Government Effectiveness, Rule of Law, Regulatory Quality and Control of Corruption.
At the bottom of the pyramid, 43 component indicators are mapped to 14 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are relevant to the States and UTs.
This forms the foundation of the conceptual framework of PAI 2021. The choice of the 43 indicators that go into the calculation of the CI were dictated by the objective of uncovering the complexity and multidimensional character of development governance

The Equity Principle
The Equity Pillar of the PAI 2021 Index analyses the inclusiveness impact at the Sub-national level in the country; inclusiveness in terms of the welfare of a society that depends primarily on establishing that all people feel that they have a say in the governance and are not excluded from the mainstream policy framework.
This requires all individuals and communities, but particularly the most vulnerable, to have an opportunity to improve or maintain their wellbeing. This chapter of PAI 2021 reflects the performance of States and UTs during the pandemic and questions the governance infrastructure in the country, analysing the effectiveness of schemes and the general livelihood of the people in terms of Equity.



Growth and its Discontents
Growth in its multidimensional form encompasses the essence of access to and the availability and optimal utilisation of resources. By resources, PAI 2021 refer to human resources, infrastructure and the budgetary allocations. Capacity building of an economy cannot take place if all the key players of growth do not drive development. The multiplier effects of better health care, improved educational outcomes, increased capital accumulation and lower unemployment levels contribute magnificently in the growth and development of the States.



The Pursuit Of Sustainability
The Sustainability Pillar analyses the access to and usage of resources that has an impact on environment, economy and humankind. The Pillar subsumes two themes and uses seven indicators to measure the effectiveness of government efforts with regards to Sustainability.



The Curious Case Of The Delta
The Delta Analysis presents the results on the State performance on year-on-year improvement. The rankings are measured as the Delta value over the last five to 10 years of data available for 12 Key Development Indicators (KDI). In PAI 2021, 12 indicators across the three Pillars of Equity (five indicators), Growth (five indicators) and Sustainability (two indicators). These KDIs are the outcome indicators crucial to assess Human Development. The Performance in the Delta Analysis is then compared to the Overall PAI 2021 Index.
Key Findings:-
In the Scheme of Things
The Scheme Analysis adds an additional dimension to ranking of the States on their governance. It attempts to complement the Governance Model by trying to understand the developmental activities undertaken by State Governments in the form of schemes. It also tries to understand whether better performance of States in schemes reflect in better governance.
The Centrally Sponsored schemes that were analysed are National Health Mission (NHM), Umbrella Integrated Child Development Services scheme (ICDS), Mahatma Gandh National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS), Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SmSA) and MidDay Meal Scheme (MDMS).
National Health Mission (NHM)
INTEGRATED CHILD DEVELOPMENT SERVICES (ICDS)
MID- DAY MEAL SCHEME (MDMS)
SAMAGRA SHIKSHA ABHIYAN (SMSA)
MAHATMA GANDHI NATIONAL RURAL EMPLOYMENT GUARANTEE SCHEME (MGNREGS)