There is hope among the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir that Article 35-A of the Indian Constitution, which makes unjust distinctions between the sons and daughters of the state, will also be scrapped by the apex court.
The Supreme Court’s landmark verdict, of 22 August, that declared “unconstitutional, arbitrary and whimsical” the 1400-year-old controversial practice of instant talaq has dramatically changed the socio-political scene of Jammu and Kashmir. It has filled the hearts of daughters of the state with hope.
Like in the rest of the country, the women in the state have, irrespective of their religious denomination and regional compulsions, welcomed the verdict.
The judgement has rekindled the hope that Article 35-A of the Indian Constitution, which makes humiliating, invidious and unjust distinctions between the sons and daughters of Jammu and Kashmir, will also be scrapped by the apex court.
The new hope has stemmed not only from the fact that the operative part of the verdict, delivered by a 3:2 majority, clearly said the “practice of triple talaq was violative of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution (equality and non-discrimination)”; it also stems from the fact that three judges didn’t endorse the view of Justice S Abdul Nazeer that triple talaq had “got protection under Article 25 of the Constitution”. They were of the view that Article 25 could not be applied in this case as it involved the cardinal principle of equality and non-discrimination.
And then there was Prime Minister’s Independence Day address from the ramparts of the Red Fort in which he said his government was committed to women empowerment and gender equality. This precisely was the stand of the Government of India in the apex court.
The women of Jammu and Kashmir also have renewed belief now because of the stand taken by the Government of India on the crucial public interest litigation on Article 35-A. The Government of India, unlike the Jammu and Kashmir government, has not filed any affidavit in the Supreme Court. Contrarily, it has twice told the apex court that Article 35-A was a “sensitive” issue which needed a “wider debate”.
“It is a ‘very sensitive matter’ which would require a ‘larger’ debate. There are Constitutional issues involved in it and it should be heard by a larger bench,” Attorney General K K Venugopal twice told the Supreme Court. On the other hand, the Jammu and Kashmir government took the stand that “Article 35-A is a settled issue” and “it is a permanent Article”.
However, it was the stand of the union government that prompted the Chief Justice of India to suggest that the whole case could be transferred from the existing three-judge bench to five-judge Constitutional bench for its disposal. The case is listed for hearing on 29 August.
So, the hope of the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir is as justifiable as it is tenable. After all, the case of the women in the state, including Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan, and the non-governmental organisation “We The Citizens”, who have approached the Supreme Court to obtain justice, is almost identical to the case which the oppressed and discriminated Muslim women fought relentlessly in the highest court of justice of the country for years, and finally received justice.
Article 35-A gives absolute power to the Jammu and Kashmir government to define the classes of persons who are, or shall be, permanent residents of the state, or confer on such permanent residents any special rights and privileges or impose upon persons any restrictions in matters relating to employment under the state government, acquisition of immovable property in the state, scholarships and to such other forms of aid as the state government may provide.
In effect, Article 35-A considers all Indians, barring the permanent residents of the state, as persona non-grata in Jammu and Kashmir and deprives the children of the daughters of the state, married outside to non-permanent residents of Jammu and Kashmir, of any right available under the Jammu & Kashmir Constitution of 1957.
This Article was applied to Jammu and Kashmir on 14 May 1954 through a Presidential Order without invoking Article 368 of the Indian Constitution. Article 368 says not a word can be deleted from or added to the Constitution without taking the Parliament into confidence. Significantly, Article 35-A is not part of the main body of the Constitution. It finds mention only in an appendix.
It needs to be noted that not one but three petitions challenging the validity of Article 35-A have been filed in the Supreme Court. These include writ petitions 722/2014, 871/2015 and 396/2017. “We the Citizens”, refugees from West Pakistan (all Hindu and Sikh) and Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan, respectively, filed these three petitions.
All the petitioners want the Supreme Court to declare Article 35-A as unconstitutional, discriminatory and against the very spirit of Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.
Charu Wali Khanna and Dr Seema Razdan have, in addition, said in their petition that their children are considered “illegitimate”, as they got married to non-permanent residents of the state. As for the refugees from West Pakistan, they have said in their petition that they have been living in various parts of Jammu since their migration in 1947, but they have no right to property, no right to vote, no right to higher and technical and professional education, no right to a government job and no right to a bank loan in Jammu and Kashmir because they do not possess permanent resident certificates. They are Indian nationals, but not residents of the state.
As for separatists like Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq and Yasin Malik, they have said that “Article 35-A is a matter of life and death”. On 23 August, they also issued a protest calendar. Their protest demonstrations would start on 25 August and conclude on 29 August with a shutdown across Kashmir.
This is the whole situation. Article 35-A is a litmus test both for the Prime Minister and the Supreme Court. Litmus test for the Prime Minister because on 15 August he pledged unstinted support to the issue of women empowerment and equality. And litmus test for the Supreme Court because on 22 August it preferred Article 14 over Article 25. Article 35-A is unconstitutional and it has to go lock, stock and barrel.
Even otherwise, it has to go because there can’t be two laws in India, one for Jammu and Kashmir and another for the rest of the country which are contradictory to each other and undemocratic in nature.
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Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.
This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.
It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.
The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.
Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.
India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.
More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.
An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.
India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.
Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.
And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.
A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.
We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.
We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.
In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.