Context:-Chief Justice of India N.V. Ramana on Saturday said the media is running “kangaroo courts” on issues even experienced judges find difficult to decide.
He said. ill-informed, biased and agenda-driven debates in the media on issues pending in courts are affecting justice delivery
Media has breached its responsibility, taking democracy two steps backwards, affecting people and harming the system, the Chief Justice said
Famous cases of media trials in India
Media was once a boon that enlightened people and made them aware of what is going around in the world. The Indian media has to follow the principles laid down in the Constitution of India. There are essentially three pillars of democracy that are the legislature, executive and judiciary and now the media has become the fourth pillar of democracy. It highlights the social, legal, economic and cultural problems of the society.
Media has now transformed itself into a Janta Adalats or ‘public court’ and started intervening in the proceedings of the court. The vital gap between the convict and accused is completely overlooked by the media by keeping at stake the cardinal principles of ‘presumption of innocence until proven guilty’ and ‘guilt beyond reasonable doubt’. Now what is being observed is a separate investigation done by the media itself which is called a media trial. Along with investigation, it includes forming public opinion against the suspect or the accused even before the court takes cognizance of the case. As a result of this, the public is prejudiced due to which the accused who should have been assumed innocent is presumed to be a criminal abandoning all his rights and liberty unrepressed.
The excessive publicity of the accused or the suspect in the media before the trial in a court of law, either incriminates a fair trial or results in characterizing the accused or suspect as the one who has certainly committed the crime, this amounts to undue interference with the “administration of justice”, which calls for proceedings against media for contempt of court. The rules that have been designed to regulate the journalism and journalism conduct are unfortunately inadequate to prevent the encroachment upon civil rights.
Whenever there is any sensitive case that comes to be tried before the court, then among the people there is an anticipated upsurge in curiosity. Always looking forward to sensational news, Media including newspapers, television channels, news websites, etc. start publishing their own interpretation of facts. It is called investigative journalism and is not prohibited in India. The influence of media coverage via newspapers and television on an individual by creating a perception of innocence or guilt even before the Court of law announces its judgment, it is called as “Media Trial” or ” Trial by Media”.
There have been multiple cases which have been tried by Media, few of the famous cases have been discussed below-
Sanjay Dutt Case
After the Supreme Court sentenced Sanjay Dutt to 5 years imprisonment, he had to serve in jail due to his involvement in the 1993 Mumbai Serial Blast. In 1994, Sanjay Dutt was arrested at the airport and he confessed that in January, 1993 Abu Sale, Mafia Don had visited his home with Hanif Kadawala and Samir Hingora, they were Magnum proprietors and alleged close associates of Dawood Ibrahim, who is an underworld don. In his statement, Sanjay Dutt also said that these people along with ammunition had got three AK-56 rifles with them, out of which one was kept by Sanjay Dutt.
According to him, he kept the gun in order to protect his family because of the threats that he had received during the riots in Mumbai which was followed by the Babri Masjid demolition in December, 1992. After Sanjay Dutt heard the arrest of Hanif Kadawala and Samir Hingora and the serial blasts in Mumbai, Dutt asked his friend Yusuf Nulwalla to destroy the rifle. Though, the statement was later withdrawn by him. After this, he was soon charged and arrested under Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), 1987 for receiving ammunition from Abu Salem and his involvement in the blasts.
However, after 18 months of imprisonment, Sanjay Dutt was able to secure a bail. The TADA court after 11 years acquitted Sanjay Dutt of all charges made against him after observing that he had acquired guns for self-defence and he was not a terrorist. He was sentenced to six years in jail for conviction under the Arms Act, for which Sanjay Dutt had managed to secure a bail from the Supreme Court. On 31 July, 2007, he was sent to Pune’s Yerawada prison. However, he was later out on bail. On March 21, 2013, the Supreme Court had further cut short his term to five and which ended on February 27, 2016.
Being a famous actor, this case was highlighted by the media to an extent, the media portrayed the picture of Sanjay Dutt as a terrorist, which was later held by the Court that he was not accused of those charges. After this incident, being an actor he had to suffer a lot of problems and outrage and his reputation got depleted.
Sheena Bohra Murder Case
In the year 2012 Indrani Mukerjea was arrested for the murder of Sheena Bora, the shocking news, in this case, was that Sheena was the daughter, not the sister as claimed by Indrani Mukerjea. The media highlighted the case and even after her arrest Indrani never accepted that she had two children and was stuck to her statement claiming Sheena as her sister. The murder also brought into light the murky financial dealings of Indra Mukerjea and her husband Peter Mukerjea. They successfully manipulated facts hence no trail was initiated against them for three years.
The personal life of Indrani Mukerjea had been pierced by the tormenting eyes of the media which paved the way for fresh debate in the murder trial issue of the accused. Indrani’s character and personal life, all the aspects which have no ration with the investigation of the murder of Sheena were under the public lens of scrutiny through media. The journalism ethics had been again under the controversial debate due to their meddling with the personal matter of the accused.
Jessica Lal Murder
In 1999, Jessica Lal (model turned barmaid) working in a restaurant owned by socialite Bona Ramani in Mehrauli, South Delhi’s, was shot dead by Manu Sharma (alias Siddharth Vashisth), son of Congress former Union Minister, Venod Sharma after Jessica refused to serve liquor to him and his friends. This case immediately gained media coverage after the murder when the accused was acquitted by the trial court. This case became one of the top cases where the public pressure and media compelled the justice system to take a second look at this case. Though Manu Sharma was acquitted initially in the year 2006 as the Delhi police failed to sustain the grounds on which they had built up their case after public outcry due to the media coverage of the case, the Delhi High Court sentenced him to life imprisonment.
The Tikku, Kakkar double murder case
This was a very sensational case where two Delhi residents were murdered by a money-crazy criminal and his female associate. Police said that Vijay Palande, prime accused and former gangster used his wife, Simran Sood, who was a model as a ‘honeytrap’ to commit the crimes for confiscating the victim’s properties. In April, 2012, Palande along with his mates Manoj Gajkosh and Dhananjay Shinde murdered businessman Arunkumar Tikku who was a resident of Delhi.
The police said that Palande had encouraged the son of the victim, Anuj Tikku who was an actor with a motive that Tikku can acquire Palande’s apartment which was located in the Lokhandwala Complex in Mumbai’s upscale. The Mumbai crime branch had arrested the trio along with Simran Sood in connection to the abduction and murder of Delhi-based aspiring producer Karankumar Kakkad. Palande made a confession that he suspected Kakkad was an underworld mole, who would kill him, so Palande had to kill Kakkad. The police also said that Simran had acquainted Palande as her “brother” to Tikku and Kakkad.
In 1998 Palande had been convicted of a double murder and then again in the year 2002, he jumped parole in 2003, went for a cosmetic surgery to Bangkok to change his features and in 2005 he returned to Mumbai.
In 2012, this double murder case shook the nation and made its way to TV and newspaper headlines as one of the most chilling murder mysteries in valuing a sophisticated serial killer in recent times in India. He was arrested for masterminding the murders of Tikku and Kakkar. On November 18, 2011, Palande was given a life sentence for the murder of the two men.
The Delhi rape case
The brutal gang rape on the night of 16 December 2012 of a 23-year-old physiotherapy intern who besides being raped was tortured and beaten in a private bus in which she was travelling with her male friend. Including the driver, six men on the bus who raped her and beat her friend. She was admitted to the hospital and after eleven days she was shifted for an emergency to the hospital in Singapore but died after two days.
Since the laws in India do not permit the press to reveal the name of the game victim, the victim has become widely known as Nirbhaya, meaning “fearless”, and the girl’s struggle against the incident and her death has become a symbol of resistance by the women in the world.
This incident inflamed extensive national and international coverage. The incident was criticized widely, both in India as well as abroad. Thereafter, there were multiple protests in different parts of the country against the central and state governments for failing to provide proper security for women.
Due to so much outrage in the media, there were multiple amendments in the laws including the Juvenile Justice Act, where for the heinous crime the age for punishment had been reduced to from eighteen to sixteen.
Neeraj Grover Murder Case
The case received much media attention due to its extremely gruesome nature. In May, 2008, Neeraj who worked in a Mumbai-based production house was found dead. The dead body of Neeraj was chopped into pieces and then stuffed in three garbage bags and then they took the body to the forest and set it on fire. A police complaint was filed by one of Neeraj’s friend, Maria Susairaj that he was missing but later it was found that Maria was involved in the murder. It was discovered that Maria’s boyfriend Lieutenant M.L. Jerome Mathew was behind the murder of Neeraj because he suspected Maria having an affair with Neeraj and killed him in a fit of rage. The killing and subsequent trial attained significant media coverage in India which reported public outrage on the verdict given to the accused who had chopped the body into multiple pieces and set it on fire. One of the news channels had criticized the defamation of the accused, claiming that the accused was under a lot of stress.
Nitish Katara Murder Case
This was a case of honour killing, Vikas Yadav, son of famous politician DP Yadav had brutally murdered Nitish Katara. Nitish had an affair with Bharti Yadav who was the sister of Vikas Yadav, Vikas never approved of their love. At the mutual friend’s wedding where both Vikas and Nitish were present, Vikas took the opportunity and killed Nitish by taking him for a ride. According to the autopsy report, Vikas had badly beaten Nitish that even his digestive system had fallen apart and a DNA test was conducted for identification. Vikas was sentenced to life imprisonment.
Sometimes in the media trial, the accused is even not given proper conviction which he is entitled to.
Nithari Kand
In 2007, dead bodies of children and adults were found in the house of Moninder Sinh Pandher situated in Nithari village of Noida. It was revealed as soon as the investigation begins that servant of Pandher, Surender Kohli had been involved in raping and killing women which included minors and even used to eat their body parts, there was one case where he even cooked the body parts. Moninder Sinh Pandher was acquitted in 2009 of the charges against him in one case but he is still a co-accused in other case and his death penalty has been overturned. The Allahabad High Court commuted Surender Kohli’s death sentence to life imprisonment. After that, the CBI Court had pronounced both Surinder Koli and Moninder Singh Pandher guilty in the attempt to rape and murder of Pinki Sarkar who was 20 years old. This was the eighth murder committed by them out of sixteen murder cases in which judgement has been delivered. The case got highlighted by the media and the accused was served the punishment.
Ayodhya dispute
It is one of the most discussed and famous cases in India. This case has strong religious, historical and political roots. The dispute revolves around a piece of land in the birthplace of Lord Rama, Ayodhya. The critical issues, in this case, were between the Hindu and Muslim communities regarding this piece of land that carried some religious beliefs between the community Hindus and Muslims. The famous Babri Masjid which is thought to be at the same place was demolished by violent Hindu activists during a rally on 6th December 1992 which is thought to be located where a Ram Temple already existed and the place where Lord Rama was born.
This Act of demolition led to violent riots and consequently, a case was filed in the Allahabad High Court for the entitlement of land. With time the case kept on becoming more controversial and the final judgment came finally after 18 years. The judgement was passed keeping in mind the religious sentiments of both the communities. The court ordered that the Ayodhya land that was of 2.77 acres will be split up into three parts. One-third of the land was registered to Sunni Waqf Board, another one third to Hindu Mahasabha to build Ram temple and the remaining one third be passed to Nirmohi Akhara (Hindu religious group).
This case had been tried long by the media and showing little disputes over the media and irrelevant things related to the case which just worked as feeling the disputes between the two communities all over India.
Sunanda Pushkar Murder Case
Sunanda Pushkar was the wife of the former Union minister Shashi Tharoor. Sunanda got married to Shashi Tharoor in August, 2010 after two failed marriages. On 17 January, 2014 Sunanda was found dead in a hotel suite of Leela Palace, New Delhi under highly mysterious circumstances.
A day before her murder she had a dispute on twitter with a Pakistani journalist, Mehr Tarar. The dispute was regarding the tweets of the journalist which hinted at a possibility of an affair between the journalist and Sunanda’s Husband, Shashi Tharoor. The case is still under investigation, her autopsy report claimed that Sunanda died due to an overdose of sleeping pills, but later in October, the medical team reported that they had been pressured to provide a tailored report. The Police stated that Sunanda had been poisoned and murdered but there was no suspect. No one has been arrested for the murder of Sunanda Pushkar to date.
This was another case of media trial where the media claimed that Shashi Tharoor had committed the murder when the case was still under investigation and the trial wasn’t started in the Court of law yet. Shashi Tharoor had to face a lot of controversy after that.
The Priyadarshini Mattoo Case
Priyadarshini Mattoo was a law student who was residing at her Uncle’s house in New Delhi. On 23 January, 1996 she was found dead. Initially the main accused was thought to be her senior, Santosh Kumar Singh who used to stalk and harass her for years. Later, it was disclosed that the main accused was the son of an IPS Officer, Santosh. He strangled her by wrapping an electric wire around her neck. Santos with the helmet had smacked her face many times that made her face unrecognisable.
A sustained public outcry and a media campaign against the acquittal led to an appeal in the High Court which culminated in the conviction and death sentence. On 30 October 2006, the Delhi high court had ordered the death sentence which was later converted into life imprisonment by the Supreme Court.
Pradyuman Thakur Murder Case
A class II student, Pradyum was found dead in the washroom of Gurugram’s Ryan International School. As per the initial report, the bus conductor was arrested on the ground that he had sexually assaulted the child and then killed him. However, later it came to know that it was a student of class XI who killed him in order to postpone the exams. Though the bus driver was found not guilty, because of the media trial initially, he suffered damage to his reputation and career. The case was under investigation and the media should not have interfered so much, only after the Court pronounced its verdict, the media should share its opinion based on true facts and circumstances.
Arushi-Hemraj Murder Case
This case gained a lot of media attention and was in the news for a very long time. Arushi was murdered along with her household worker Hemraj in May, 2008. Initially, a lot of names occurred on the suspect list. The sensational media coverage was criticized by many as a trial by the media, which involved salacious allegations against Aarushi and suspects. The media raised questions on Arushi’s character as her affair with Hemraj, though no provident evidence had been found for the same. The parents were convicted for the murder and sentenced to life imprisonment in November, 2013. But it was argued by many critics that the case was based on very weak evidence, the evidence was not strong enough to fully blame parents for the murder, there were other suspects too but because of media trial interference, it raised questions in minds of the people. In the Allahabad High Court, the decision was challenged by the Talwar’s, which later in 2017 acquitted them as giving them benefit of doubt and calling the evidence as unsatisfactory.
Pramod Mahajan Killing
Pramod Mahajan, a famous politician of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was killed by his younger brother Pravin in his house in broad daylight. After killing his brother, Pravin went to the nearest police station and admitted his crime, he said, “I am Pravin… I shot Pramod.” It was during the court proceedings and media coverage that the disturbed relationship came to the lead. Pravin said that his brother raised him “like a pet dog”. Pravin was sentenced to life imprisonment but he died of a suspected brain haemorrhage in March 2010.
Yakub Menon Case
Yakub Abdul Razzaq Memon (30 July, 1962 – 30 July, 2015) was held to be a terrorist and on 27 July 2007, he was convicted for his involvement in the 1993 Bombay blasts by the Special Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Court. Yakub Memon’s brother Tiger Memon was one of the prime suspects in the bombings. All of his petitions and appeals which demanded clemency were all rejected and on 30th July, 2015 he was executed by hanging in Nagpur jail.
Due to so much of the media coverage and trial by media, in this case, the lawyer defending the accused had been heavily criticized which made it difficult for the lawyers to fulfil their ethical duty of providing legal aid to the parties.
Media has an indispensable role in a democratic country. All the pillars of the democracy should function independently without intervening upon the functions of others. Media had overstepped upon the sanctity of the judiciary in high-profile criminal cases like the Indrani Mukerjee case, Jessica Lal case etc. Some of the accused are set free due to the media intervention.
A three-judge bench led by Chief Justice of India R M Lodha described the issue as very serious and stated that to put in place the Court would consider few guidelines in order to balance the interest and rights of the stakeholders. The guidelines observed by the Court are as follows:
In the wake of growing instances of media trials, there is a need that the Supreme Court should delve into the issue as it leads to public condemnation of the accused on the basis of information provided by prosecutors and police, though the trial before the court of law has still not been initiated.
The Courts have taken a serious note on the reports of a media briefing by the police and other investigating agencies. Nothing should be done in order to hamper the investigation process and secrecy of the inquiry. All of these need certain checks as they all fall within the purview of Article 21 of the Constitution.
When a trial is already going on in the Court, the parallel process of trial by media should not be allowed. It is now expected that the Supreme Court will consider to frame guidelines for the media over covering criminal cases and briefing by the investigating agencies.
In Saibal Kumar Gupta and Ors. v. B.K. Sen and Anr., 1961, the Supreme Court held, there’s no doubt that it would be mischievous for a newspaper to intrude into a crime and execute an independent investigation for which the accused or suspect has been arrested and then to publish the outcomes of that investigation. This is mischievous because when there is an ongoing trial by one of the regular tribunals of the country then trial by newspapers must be prohibited. This is based upon the view that such action by the newspaper of doing an investigation tends to interfere with the course of justice, whether the investigation tends to prejudice the accused or the prosecution.
In Sushil Sharma v. The State (Delhi Administration) and Ors, 1996, the Delhi High Court held that no conviction will be based upon the media report but upon the facts that have been placed on record. It is supposed that the Judge dealing with the case should be neutral. If the decision is based upon the accepted news items, the petitioner will insist upon denial of a fair trial because it would cause aspiration on the Judge of being not neutral. Even if there is less report or no report available, the charge should be framed on the basis of material available on record.
The purpose of media has eventually changed with the progression of time. There is interference by the media in the role of the judiciary in most of the cases instead of just stating the case facts. The underlying foundation of the judicial system has been eaten by the termite of corruption in the largest democratic set-up. Unethical steps are followed by the litigants in order to save the accused from conviction through bribing the public authorities to distort the evidence, pressurize the defence to withdraw the case, etc. Due to this enormous institutional imbalance, there has been pre-emptive media coverage of criminal trials. Media has been successful in making a prejudicial stance in the minds of the public by their sensational style of journalism.
- If a suspect or an accused has already been projected by the media as guilty even before the trial in the Court, then there are possibilities of serious prejudice to the accused.
- If the person who is suspect or an accused is acquitted by the Court after the due process, even the acquittal may not prove to be helpful for the accused to rebuild his image in the society.
- Exaggerated and unreasonable publicity in the media, characterizing the person as guilty, even when the verdict is still pending, amounts to undue influence with the “administration of justice”, which called for proceeding against the media for contempt of Court.
- If the identity of the witness is revealed, then there is a possibility that the witness will be under pressure from the police as well as the accused or his associates.
- The witness at an early stage wants to withdraw and get out of chaos soon.
- Then the protection of the witness is a serious issue. This brings a question about the admissibility of the evidence of a hostile witness and whether there should be an amendment in the law for the prevention of witnesses from changing their statements.
- Even Judges come within the purview of criticism which can either be on their judicial conduct or conduct in a purely private capacity. But it becomes a matter of concern when the criticism about the Judges is ill-informed or entirely not on the foundation which may have a tendency to undermine the faith of the people in the judiciary.
- A Judge has to protect himself from such media pressure which can ‘unconsciously’ influence the juries or the judges and as human beings, the judges are prone at least subconsciously or unconsciously to such indirect influences.
In the case of State of Maharashtra v. Rajendra Jawanmal Gandhi, 1997, the Supreme Court held that a trial by electronic media, press or by way of public agitation is anti-thesis to the rule of law and can lead to a miscarriage of justice.
Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India guarantees freedom of speech and expression. A crucial role is played by freedom of speech in the formation of public opinion on economic, social, and political matters.
Keeping this view in mind in Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) (P) Ltd. v. Union of India, 1985, Venkataramiah, J. of the Supreme Court of India has stated that the freedom of the press is the heart of social and political intercourse. The press has now assumed the role of public educators and makes education possible at a large scale by imparting formal and non-formal education particularly in the developing world, where all forms of modern communication like television and other kinds are not available to all the sections of the society. The objective of the press is to boost the public interest by publishing opinions and facts without which the responsible judgement cannot be made by a democratic electorate (Government). Newspapers which are purveyors of news and views of the people have a bearing on public administration and frequently carry material which would not be pleasing to Governments and other authorities.
From the above statement of the Supreme Court, it can be demonstrated that freedom of the press is essential for the proper functioning of the democratic process. It is obvious that every citizen is entitled to participate in the democratic process and democracy means the Government of the people, by the people and for the people. Every individual in order to allow him to exercise his right intelligently of making a choice, then free and general discussion of public matters becomes essential. This constitutional viewpoint of the freedom of the press in India is explained through this.
In the case of Papnasam Labour Union v. Madura Coats Ltd, 1994, few guidelines were laid down by the Supreme Court and principles that are needed to be kept in view while considering the constitutionality of a statutory provision, the restrictions were imposed on the fundamental rights guaranteed under Articles 19(1)(a) to (g) of the Constitution of India when the freedom is challenged on the grounds of unreasonableness.
Article 21 of the Constitution of India guarantees the right to a fair trial as it has been considered to be part of the right to life and liberty. The basic meaning of “Right to Fair Trial” is that a trial should not be impacted by the extrinsic pressures, which is recognized as a basic principle of justice in India. Articles 129 and Article 215 of the Constitution of India and Contempt of Courts Act, 1971 contain provisions that aim at safeguarding this right. In our country, the criminal justice system sticks to the ‘presumption of innocence’ that is, unless proven guilty, a person is presumed to be innocent by the competent court. The role of the Media is to objectively broadcast the news which implies that the media should not adjudicate upon any case but only adhere to the publication of the factual part of the case. The print media and electronic media are now immersed in an insatiable competition of sales and TRPs (Television Rating Points) respectively.
The Press Council of India directs the Media that it should not give unreasonable publicity parallel to the victim, accused, witnesses and also not to disclose any information that is confidential which may hamper or prejudice the process of investigation. It is also required that the media should not identify any witness as then their chances to turn hostile increases and mainly the media should not be running any parallel trial of the case that brings an undue pressure on the judge or the jury adjudicating upon the case.
In the case of Zahira Habibullah Sheikh v. State of Gujarat, 2006, the Supreme Court has held that it is reflected in numerous practices and rules, a fair trial would obviously mean a trial that is conducted before a Judge who is impartial and a fair prosecutor in an atmosphere of judicial calm. A Fair trial includes a trial, in which bias or prejudice for or against the witnesses, accused or the cause which is being tried is eliminated.
In the case of Vijay Singhal and Ors. vs. Govt. of NCT of Delhi and Anr., 2013, it was held by the Court that the trials’ objective is to meet the ends of justice, and if, there is a competition in order to meet that end between the right to freedom of expression against the right to a free trial, the right to free trial would Trump upon the right to freedom of expression.
It was held by the Supreme Court in the case of Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Ltd. and Ors. vs. Securities and Exchange Board of India and Anr., 2012, that the media has a right to know what is happening in courts and to communicate the information to the public which strengthens the confidence of the public in the transparency of the court proceedings. Sometimes a reporting of trial that is accurate and fair like a murder trial would anyway give rise to a substantial risk of prejudice that might not be related to the pending trials but later in the connected trials. The fairness of the later or connected trials is not only safeguarded by the postponement but it also helps in preventing the possible contempt by the Media.
The Supreme Court and High Court in many judgments have criticized the trial by the media on the sub-judice matter as it prejudices the opinion of the judge or the jury on that particular case and sometimes even on similar cases later. The Press Council of India has also prescribed in their 2010 edition of Norm of Journalism Conduct to abstain from performing such sensational journalism.
Now we can see that the media have started for the lawyers not to take up the case of the accused, thus, infringing the right of the accused to be represented before the court by the lawyer of his choice. In this way, the media trials are serving against the system of natural justice. Like in the case of Jessica Lal murder case, when the famous lawyer Ram Jethmalani decided to defend the print accused of the case, Manu Sharma, he had to face societal criticisms. In another case where a lawyer Kamini Jaiswal, who was representing SAR Geelani, a professor at Delhi University who was an accused of the 2001 Parliament attack, then Jaiswal was called “an anti-national”. Similarly, the lawyer Prashant Bhushan, who was the counsel appearing on behalf of Yakub Memon was also opposed.
In such instances, the security of the lawyers falls in danger because of which they are unable to fulfil their obligation of ethical duty to provide legal aid in criminal matters. As a result media trials affect the principle of natural justice.
Trial by Media comes under a Contempt of Court and needs to be punished. The contempt has been identified by the Contempt of Court Act as civil and criminal.
Criminal contempt has been divided further into three types, that are:
- Prejudicing trial;
- Scandalizing;
- Hindering the administration of justice.
Interference or prejudice with the judicial process: This prerequisite owes its origin to the principle of natural justice. Every accused has the right to a free trial which is clubbed with the principle of ‘Justice may not only be done it must also seem to be done’. In multiple ways, attempts are made in order to prejudice a trial. If such cases where prejudice takes place, are permitted to be successful then the result will be that most of the people will be convicted of offences which they have never committed like in the case of Pradyum Thakur where the bus driver was convicted earlier but later it was found that the real culprit was the boy’s senior in his school itself.
Contempt of court has been initiated to curb such unfair and unjust trials. Any publication of news that is circulated with an intention to poison the minds of the accused, witnesses, or the jurors or to create such an atmosphere where the administration of justice would become difficult or impossible, amounts to contempt. Contempt of Court also includes commenting on the pending cases or abuse of party only when a case is triable by a judge. No right lies with the media to play the role of an investigator, in any case, to try to prejudice the court.
In this report under the Chairmanship of Justice M. Jagannath a Rao in August, 2006, the following recommendations had been made:
- To prohibit the publication of anything that is prejudicial to the reputation if accused- a restriction which shall from the mine of the arrest.
- The starting point of a criminal case should not be from the filing of the charge sheet but from the time of arrest of an accused. The perception behind such an amendment is that it would prevent prejudicing or prejudging the case.
- To address the damaging effect on the administration of justice of the sensationalized news reports.
- The High Court is empowered to direct the postponement of the telecast or the publication in criminal cases and to prevent the media from restoring to such a telecast or publication.
There have been numerous instances where the media has been blamed and accused of conducting the trial of the accused by passing the “Verdict” according to their investigation before the judgement is passed by the Court. It is essential that the trial must be carried out by the Court and not the media. The trial by the media is certainly an undue interference in the procedure of delivery of justice.
The legislature has a great responsibility to perform while drafting laws on media, ensuring that their freedom is not curtailed. Media has the right to discuss and comment on the case judgments but they have no right or freedom to start a trial on sub-judice matters. The right of the accused to have a fair trial is always more important than the freedom of media before starting the trial of the pending case. Media trial hinders the purpose of justice.
It becomes clear that the influence of the media had a more negative effect rather than a positive effect (except for a few exceptions). The Courts should properly regulate the media. The Courts should not grant free hand to the media in the Court proceedings as they are not some event of the sport.
The most favorable way for legislating the media is by exercising the contempt of court to penalize the ones who interfere with the basic code of conduct. The Supreme Court has approved in a number of cases the use of contempt powers by the Courts against the newspapers and media channels. Freedom of speech and expression cannot be allowed to the media to an extent to prejudice the trial itself.
Credit:- This article is written by Vanya Verma pursuing B.B.A.LL.B (Hons.) from Alliance University, Bangalore. This article deals with famous cases that have been tried by the media and what is the criticism of media trials as to how it interferes with the Court proceedings.
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- Between 2002-2020, Brazil’s total area of humid primary forest reduced by 7.7 per cent while India’s reduced by 3.4 per cent.
- Although the loss in India is not as drastic as in Brazil, its position is nevertheless precarious. For India, this loss is equivalent to 951 metric tonnes worth carbon dioxide emissions released in the atmosphere.
- It is important to draw comparisons between Brazil and India as both countries have adopted a rather lackadaisical attitude towards deforestation-induced climate change. The Brazilian government hardly did anything to control the massive fires that gutted the Amazon rainforest in 2019.
- It is mostly around May that forest fires peak in India. However, this year India, witnessed massive forest fires in early March in states like Odisha, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Mizoram among others.
- The European Union’s Copernicus Atmospheric Monitoring Service claimed that 0.2 metric tonnes of carbon was emitted in the Uttarakhand forest fires.
- Implementation of the LEAF Coalition plan will help pump in fresh rigour among developing countries like India, that are reluctant to recognise the contributions of their forest dwelling populations in mitigating climate change.
- With the deadline for proposal submission fast approaching, India needs to act swiftly on a revised strategy.
- Although India has pledged to carry out its REDD+ commitments, it is impossible to do so without seeking knowledge from its forest dwelling population.
- providing Dominion Status to India, i.e., equal partnership of the British Commonwealth of Nations;
- all Provinces (ruled by the British India government) and Indian States (ruled by Indian princes) should constitute one Indian Union by the British Constitution;
- the Constitution of India should be framed by an elected Constituent Assembly of Indian people but if any province (or Indian State) which was not prepared to accept the Constitution was to be free to retain its constitutional position which had existed at that time.
- Such provinces were to be free to enter separate constitutional arrangements.
- there should a Union of India consisting of British India and the States, which would have jurisdiction over subjects of Foreign Affairs, Defense and Communication;
- all residuary powers would belong to the Provinces and the States;
- the Union would have Executive and Legislature consisting of the representatives from the Provinces and the States but for decision relating to a major communal issue in the legislature a majority of representatives of two major communities would be present, and voting along with the majority of all members present and voting would be required;
- the provinces would be free to form Groups with executives and legislatures;
- and each group would be free to determine the Provincial Subjects which would be taken up by the Group organisation.
Context:-
At the recently concluded Leaders’ Summit on Climate in April 2021, Lowering Emissions by Accelerating Forest Finance (LEAF) Coalition, a collective of the United States, United Kingdom and Norway governments, came up with a $1 billion fund plan that shall be offered to countries committed to arrest the decline of their tropical forests by 2030.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]What is LEAF Coalition?
Why LEAF Coalition?
Brazil & India
According to the UN-REDD programme, after the energy sector, deforestation accounts for massive carbon emissions — close to 11 per cent — in the atmosphere. Rapid urbanisation and commercialisation of forest produce are the main causes behind rampant deforestation across tropical forests.
Tribes, Forests and Government
Disregarding climate change as a valid excuse for the fires, Indian government officials were quick to lay the blame for deforestation on activities of forest dwellers and even labelled them “mischievous elements” and “unwanted elements”.
Policy makers around the world have emphasised the role of indigenous tribes and local communities in checking deforestation. These communities depend on forests for their survival as well as livelihood. Hence, they understand the need to protect forests. However, by posing legitimate environmental concerns as obstacles to real development, governments of developing countries swiftly avoid protection of forests and rights of forest dwellers.
For instance, the Government of India has not been forthcoming in recognising the socio-economic, civil, political or even cultural rights of forest dwellers. According to data from the Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs in December, 2020 over 55 per cent of this population has still not been granted either individual or community ownership of their lands.
To make matters worse, the government has undertaken systematic and sustained measures to render the landmark Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 ineffective in its implementation. The Act had sought to legitimise claims of forest dwellers on occupied forest land.
Various government decisions have seriously undermined the position of indigenous people within India. These include proposing amendments to the obsolete Indian Forest Act, 1927 that give forest officials the power to take away forest dwellers’ rights and to even use firearms with impunity.
There is also the Supreme Court’s order of February, 2019 directing state governments to evict illegal encroachers of forest land or millions of forest dwellers inhabiting forests since generations as a measure to conserve wildlife. Finally, there is the lack of data on novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) deaths among the forest dwelling population;
Tardy administration, insufficient supervision, apathetic attitude and a lack of political intent defeat the cause of forest dwelling populations in India, thereby directly affecting efforts at arresting deforestation.
Way Forward
Tuntiak Katan, a global indigenous leader from Ecuador and general coordinator of the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities, aptly indicated the next steps at the Climate Summit:
“The first step is recognition of land rights. The second step is the recognition of the contributions of local communities and indigenous communities, meaning the contributions of indigenous peoples.We also need recognition of traditional knowledge practices in order to fight climate change”
Perhaps India can begin by taking the first step.
INTRODUCTION:-
The Constitution of India was adopted on 26 November 1949, which means it was finalised by the Constituent Assembly on that day. But it became operative two months after its adoption, i.e., on 26 January 1950, which is also known as the date of its “commencement”.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]However, some provisions of it, i.e., those relating to citizenship, elections, provisional Parliament, temporary and transitional provisions had become operative on 26 November 1949 itself. The reason for its commencement after two months of its adoption was to signify the January 26 as the original date of achievement of Independence.
It was this day, i.e. 26th January, in 1930 which the Indian National Congress (INC) had first celebrated as the Independence Day of India. It is important to note that the Constitution of India is product of a longdrawn process and deliberations.
EVOLUTION OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION 1858-1935
The Constitution of India embodies provisions providing basic democratic rights of human beings including the persons who are not Indian citizens. It also embodies provisions for the availability of institutions for legislation, execution and jurisdiction for the fulfilment these rights.
It presents a vision for social transformation and deepening of democracy in India. The process of evolution of democratic institutions and rights had started much before the Constituent Assembly really made the Constitution of India.
It, however, must be underlined that the features of democratic institutions and values which were introduced during the colonial period were meant to serve the colonial interests in contrast to the purpose of the provisions of the Constitution made by the Constituent Assembly of India.
Although the Indian Constitution was result of the deliberations (from December 9, 1947 to November 26, 1949) of the Constituent Assembly, some of its features had evolved over three quarters of a century through various Acts, i.e., from 1858 to 1935.
The Government of India Act, 1935, and Other Acts
With the transfer of power from the East India Company to the British Crown, the British Parliament got involved in managing affairs of India. For achieving this purpose, from 1858 till 1935, the colonial government introduced certain features of constitution or rules of governance through different Acts. The Government of India Act, 1935 was the most important among these Acts.
First of these other Acts was Government of India Act, 1858. It provided for a combination of centralised and decetralised power structure to govern India. The centralised structure was introduced in the areas which were under the direct control of the Crown. These areas were known as British India provinces or provinces. The decentralized structure was introduced in the areas which were not under the direct control of the Crown. These areas were ruled by the Indian princes, and were known as princely states or states.
Under this system, the princes had freedom to govern in all internal matters of their princely states, but they were subject to the British control. In the centralized structure of power which was introduced in the provinces, all powers to govern India vested in the Secretary of State for India (and through him in the Crown). He acted on behalf of the Crown.
He was assisted by a fifteen-member council of ministers.There did not exist separation of executive, legislative and judicial functions of government; these all were concentrated in the hands of the Secretary of State for India. In British India, the Secretary of State of India was assisted by the Viceroy, who was assisted by an executive council.
At the district level, the viceroy was assisted by a small number of British administrators. The provincial government did not have financial autonomy. In 1870 viceroy Lord Mayo ensured that all parts of provincial administration received due share of revenue to meet their needs.
The scope of political institutions in the provinces was expanded a little further following the introduction of Council of India Act, 1909. This Act introduced for the first time a “representative element” in British India, which included elected non-official members.This Act also introduced separate representation to Muslim community.
The Government of India Act 1919 devolved some authority to the provincial governments, retaining the control of the central government (unitary government) on them.It relaxed the control of the central government in a limited way. It divided the subjects for jurisdiction of administration and sources of revenue between centre and provinces.
Under this arrangement, the provincial government was given control on resources of revenue such as land, irrigation and judicial stamps. The provincial subjects were divided into “transferred’ and “reserved” categories.
The “transferred” subjects were governed by the governor, and “reserved” subjects were governed by the legislature. The governor (executive head) was not accountable to the legislature.
The Government of India Act, 1935 was different from the earlier Government of India Acts. Unlike the earlier Acts, the Government of India Act, 1935 also provided for provincial government enjoying provincial autonomy. It provided “safeguards” for minorities.
Such “safeguards” included provisions for separate representations to Muslims, Sikhs, the Europeans, Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians. This Act also provided for three lists of divisions of power between the federation (central government) and provinces: federal (central), concurrent and provincial.
The Act also provided for establishment of a federal court to adjudicate disputes between federation and provinces. The executive head of the provincial government was Governor, who enjoyed special power. Under the special power the Governor could veto the decisions of the provincial legislature.
He acted on behalf of the Crown, and was not a subordinate of the Governor-General (the changed designation of Viceroy). He enjoyed discretionary powers to exercise his “individual judgments” in certain matters. In such matters, he did not need to work under the advice of ministers: he was to act under the control of the Governor-General, and indeed the Secretary of the State.
He was also not accountable to the legislature but he was required to act on the advice of ministers, who were accountable to the legislature.
Government of India Act, 1935 also had provisions for setting up a central government consisting of representatives from the provinces(areas ruled by the British India government) and the states (the areas covered under princely states).Such government was supposed to be known as federal government because of composition with members both from provinces and the states.
However, the federal government could not be formed because there was no unanimity among the princes to join the federation; consent of all princes was essential for the formation of federation. Thus, only the provincial governments could be formed as per this Act.
And election to the provincial legislature as per the Government of India Act, 1935 was held in 1937. Following the election of 1937, provincial governments headed by the Indian National Congresswere formed in eight provinces. The Indian National Congress government resigned in 1937. Nevertheless, according to M. Govinda Rao and Nirvikar Singh (2005), the Government of India Act, 1935 provided a basis to the Constituent Assembly to make the Constitution.
The Nehru Report(1928): First Indian Initiative to Draft Constitution
As you have read above, attempts to introduce elements of constitution in British India through different Act since 1858 were made by the British rulers. Indians had no role in it.
The first attempt by Indians themselves to prepare a Constitution of India was made in the Nehru Report(1928).Earlier, effort by Indians was made in the name of the swaraj (self-rule) by leaders of Indian national movement during the non-cooperation movement in 1921-22.
The Nehru Report was known as such because it was named after the chairman of its drafting committee, Motilal Nehru. The decision to constitute the drafting committee was taken in the conference of the established All India parties. The principal among these parties included Indian National Congress, Swaraj Party and Muslim League. The Justice Party of Madras and Unionist Party of Punjab did not participate in this meeting.
The Nehru Report demanded universal suffrage for adults and responsible government both in the centre and in the provinces. It, however, supported the Dominion Status, not complete independence for India.
It meant that Indians would have freedom to legislate on certain limited matters under the control of the British India government. For this, the Nehru Report prepared list of central and provincial subjects, and fundamental rights. It also raised demands for universal suffrage for men and women adults.
Indeed, it was in 1934, a few years after the preparation of the Nehru report, that the Indian National Congress officially demanded a constitution of Indian people, without the interference of outsiders.
FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
The Cripps Mission
Initially, the colonial authorities resisted the demand for creation of a Constitution of India. But with the change in the circumstances – the outbreak of the World War II and formation of the new Coalition (Labour-led) government in Britain, the British government was forced to acknowledge the urgency to solve the problem related to Constitution of Indians.
In 1942, the British government sent its cabinet member – Sir Stafford Cripps with the draft declaration on proposals (regarding formation of constitution for Indians) to be implemented at the end of the WW II provided both the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress had agreed to accept them.
The draft proposals of the Cripps Mission recommended the following:
Both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League did not accept the proposals of the Cripps Mission. The Muslim League demanded that India should be divided on the communal lines and some provinces should form an independent state of Pakistan; and, there should be two Constituent Assemblies, one for Pakistan and another for India.
The Cabinet Mission
The British Indian government made several attempts to bridge the differences between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. But it was unsuccessful.
The British government sent another delegation of the Cabinet members, known as the Cabinet Delegation, which came to be known as the Cabinet Mission Plan. It consisted of three cabinet members – Lord Pathic Lawrence, Sir Stafford Cripps and Mr. A.V. Alexander.
The Cabinet Delegation also failed to bring the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League to an agreement. It, however, made its own proposal which was announced simultaneously on 16 May, 1946 in England as well as in India.
The Cabinet delegation made the following recommendations:
Election to the Constituent Assembly
Meanwhile, according to the proposals of the Cabinet Mission, the election to the Constituent Assembly was held in which members of both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League were returned. The members of the Constituent Assembly were elected by the Provincial Legislative Assemblies.
However, differences between the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League arose on interpretation of “Group Clauses” of the Cabinet Mission.
The British government intervened at this stage and explained to the leaders in London that the contention of the Muslim League was correct. And on December 6, 1946, the British Government published a statement, which for the first time acknowledged the possibility of two Constituent Assemblies and two States.
As a result, when the Constituent Assembly first met on December 9, 1946, it was boycotted by the Muslim League, and it functioned without the participation of the Muslim League.
NATURE OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY’S REPRESENTATION
It is often argued that the Constituent Assembly of India did not represent the masses of India because its representatives were not elected through the universal adult franchise. Rather they were indirectly elected by the restricted adult franchise confined to the elite sections of society – the educated and tax payers.
According to Granville Austin the reasons for the restricted franchise and indirect election to the Constituent Assembly members were spelled by the Cabinet Mission Plan. These were to avoid the cumbersome and slow progress in the process of Constitution making.
The Cabinet Mission provided for the indirect election to the Constituent Assembly by the elected members of the provincial legislature. The Indian National Congress agreed to this proposal of the Cabinet Mission forsaking the claim of adult franchise to hold election to the Constituent Assembly.
Despite having been elected through the restricted adult franchise, the Constituent Assembly represented different shades of opinions and religious communities of India. Austin observed that though there was a majority of the Indian National Congress in the Constituent Assembly, it had an “unwritten and unquestioned belief” that the Indian National Congress should represent social and ideological diversity.
There was also its “deliberate policy” that the representatives of various minority communities and viewpoints should be represented in the Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly consisted of members with different ideological orientations, and three religious communities -Sikhs, Muslims and General (Hindus and all other communities like the Anglo-Indians, Parsis, etc).
In words of K. Santaram “There was hardly any shade of opinion not represented in the Assembly”. Majority of the Constituent Assembly members belonged to the Indian National Congress. It also included more than a dozen non-Indian National Congress members.
Some of these were A.K. Ayyer, H.N. Kunjru, N.G. Ayyanger, S.P. Mukherjee and Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. S.P. Mookerji represented the Hindu Mahasabha.
The Constituent Assembly included representatives from the Princely States as well. It needs to be underscored that Dr. Ambedkar was initially elected to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal as member of the Scheduled Caste Federation. But he lost this seat due to the partition of Bengal and was re-elected by the Bombay Indian National Congress (as a non-Indian National Congress candidate) at the request of the Indian National Congress High Command.
The Constituent Assembly sought to address concerns of every person irrespective of their social and cultural orientations. Before incorporating a provision in the constitution, it held elaborate deliberations. Thus, the members of the Constituent Assembly could overcome the limitations of having been elected by the restricted franchise.
The Constituent Assembly sought to accommodate universal values of democracy. The Constituent Assembly adopted several provisions from different constitutions of world and adapted them to the needs of India. In fact, Austin argues that while incorporating different provisions in the Constitution including those which were borrowed from other countries the Constituent Assembly adopted “two wholly Indian concepts” of resolving differences among its members, i.e., consensus and accommodation.
Most members of the Constituent Assembly participated in its proceedings. But these were twenty individuals who played the most influential role in the Assembly.
Some of them were Rajendra Prasad, Maulan Azad, Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, Govind Ballabh Pant, P. Sitaramayya, A.K. Ayyar, N.G. Ayyangar, K.M. Munshi, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Satyanarayan Sinha. Though the Constituent Assembly was the sole forum where deliberations took place, yet the deliberations took place in coordination of three bodies – the Constituent Assembly, the Indian National Congress Party, and the interim government.
Some members of the Constituent Assembly were also members of other bodies at the same time. Austin said that “an oligarchy” of four – Nehru, Patel, Prasad and Azad had enjoyed unquestioned honour and prestige in the Assembly. They dominated the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly.Some of these were simultaneously in the government, Indian National Congress Party and the Constituent Assembly.
Prasad was President of Indian National Congress before becoming the President of the Constituent Assembly. Patel and Nehru were Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister respectively at the same time. They were part of the inner circles of the committees of the Constituent Assembly.
The Constitution Drafting Committee meticulously incorporated in the draft constitution the decisions of the Constituent Assembly. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, chairman of the Drafting Committee played the leading role in drafting of the Constitution.
Acknowledging the pivotal role of Dr. Ambedkar, T.T. Krishnamachari, a member of the Drafting Committee, said in one of his speeches: “The House is perhaps aware that out of the seven members nominated by you, one had resigned from the house and was replaced. One had died and was not replaced. One was away in America and his place was not filled up, and another person was engaged in State Affairs, and there was a void to that extent. One or two people were far away from Delhi and perhaps reasons of health did not permit them to attend. So it happened ultimately that the burden of drafting this constitution fell upon Dr. Ambedkar and I have no doubt that we are grateful to him for having achieved this task in a manner which is undoubtedly commendable.”
Dr. Ambedkar on his part “gave much of credit” to S.N. Mukerjee – B.N. Rau’s and Ambedkar’s assistant, the Drafting Officer of the Assembly, “for the careful wording of the Constitution”.
THE ROLE OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY IN THE MAKING OF INDIAN CONSTITUTION 1946-1949
The inaugural session of the Constituent Assembly was held on 9 December 1946. It was supposed to be attended by all 296 members but only 207 members could attend it because the Muslim League members absented from it.
As stated earlier, they had boycotted the Constituent Assembly. In this meeting, Acharya J.B. Kripalani requested Dr. Sachchidananda Sinha to be the temporary chairman of the House. The members passed a resolution on 10 December 1946 for election of a permanent chairman, and on 11 December 1946, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected as the permanent Chairman of the Constituent Assembly.
The Constituent Assembly divided its work among different committees for its smooth functioning. Some of the important committees were:
(a) Union Power Committee. It was chaired by Jawaharlal Nehru and had nine members;
(b) Committee on Fundamental Rights and Minorities. It had 54 members and Sardar Ballabh bhai Patel was its chairman;
(c) Steering Committee and its 3 members which included Dr. K.M. Munshi (chairman), Gopalaswami Iyangar and Bhagwan Das;
(d) Provincial Constitution Committee. It had 25 members with Sardar Patel as its chairman;
(e) Committee on Union Constitution. It had 15 members with Jawahalal Nehru as its chairman.
After discussing the reports of these committees, the Constituent Assembly appointed a Drafting Committee on 29 August 1947 under the chairmanship of Dr. B.R. Ambedakar. The draft was prepared by Sir B.N. Rau, Advisor to the Constituent Assembly.
A 7-member Committee was constituted to examine the draft. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who was Law Minister as well as chairman of the Drafting Committee piloted the draft in the Assembly. Dr. Ambedkar presented “Draft Constitution of India”. The “Draft Constitution” was published in February, 1948.
It was discussed by the Constituent Assembly clause by in its several sessions and was completed by October 17, 1949. This discussion was known as the second reading. The Constituent Assembly again met on 14 November 1949 to discuss the draft further or to give it a third reading.
It was finalised on 26 November 1949 after receiving the signature of the President of the Constituent Assembly. But it was January 26, 1950 which became the date of commencement of the Constitution.
SALIENT FEATURES OF THE CONSTITUION
The Indian Constitution has some salient features. These features give Indian Constitution a distinct identity. It is based on the features of different constitutions of the world. In the words of Dr. Ambedkar, The Indian constitution was prepared “after ransacking all the known Constitutions of the world”.
The chapter on Fundamental Rights is based on the American Constitution; the Parliamentary System has been adopted from the British Constitution; the Directive Principles of State Policy have been adopted from the constitution of Ireland; the Emergency provisions are based on the Constitution of Weimar (Germany) and Government of India Act, 1935.
The features which have been borrowed from other Constitutions have been modified in the light of the needs of our country. It is the longest written constitution. At the time of its formation, the constitution of India had 395 Articles and 8 Schedules. It ensures both Justiciable and Non-Justiciable Rights: Fundamental Rights and the Directive Principles of the State Policy.The constituent makers preferred universal adult franchise over the separate electorates.
Universal Adult Suffrage and Abolition of the Separate Electorate
After debating its draft list of Fundamental rights the Sub-Committee on Fundamental Rights did not recommend inclusion of all of them in the section III of the Constitution as the Fundamental Rights. Instead, it suggested that these should be incorporated in other places in the Constitution.
One such example is that of the Universal suffrage, and Secrete and periodic elections. The sub Committee agreed unanimously in favour of the Universal suffrage but suggested that it should not be part of the Fundamental Rights.
Accordingly, it was placed in the Article 326 of the Part XV on election.The word “universal”, however, is missing from the Article 326. But the fact that every adult citizen of the country is entitled to vote makes it practically a universal adult franchise.
In fact, before Indians really got the right to universal adult franchise, the prominent leaders of the Indian National movement strove for the abolition of the separate electorate in favour of the joint electorate.
The British had sought to continue separate electorate in India since the Morley-Minto reforms, 1909 till the Communal Award of 1932 in the Constitution.
The Communal Award aimed to accord separate electorate for Muslims, Europeans, Sikhs, Indian Christians and Anglo-Indians. It also provided for seats for the Depressed Classes which were to be filled in elections from special constituencies. In such constituencies only the depressed classes could vote.
In addition, the depressed classes were also entitled to vote in general constituencies. Gandhi opposed the recommendation of the notion of separate electorate for the depressed classes. In opposition to the proposal for separate electorate, he set on fast unto death in September 1932. Gandhi’s fast evoked opposition from Ambedkar. However, both Gandhi and Ambedkar reached compromise in Poona Pact.
According to the Poona Pact, seats were reserved for the depressed classes in the general constituencies. This resulted in the abolition of the separate electorate.The abolition of separate electorate got reflected in the reservation of seats in the legislative bodies Constitution.
CONCLUSION
The making of Indian Constitution largely consisted of two phases – 1858 to 1935 and 1946 to 1949. With the transfer of power from the East India Company to the British Crown, the British government introduced different elements of governance through different Acts.
These also included the elements of representation of Indians in the institutions of governance. The motive of the British to introduce them was to serve their colonial interests rather than to provide democratic rights to them. The provision for communal representation introduced through the Morley-Minto Reforms in 1909 and through the Communal Award in 1932 was opposed by the leaders of the Indian National Movement.
Gandhi’s fast resulted in the Poona Pact abolishing the separate electorate and in giving the reservation to the depressed classes in the provincial legislature. After the Indian National Congress emphasized the need for making of a Constitution of India by their own Constitient Assembly, the changed political situation following the Second World War and change of government in Britain, the British reluctantly realized the urgency for establishment of the Constituent Assembly of India for Indians.
The Constituent Assembly which was set up following the recommendations of the Cabinet Mission Plan was elected through the restricted adult franchise by the provincial assemblies. Despite having elected by the privileged sections of the society, the Constituent Assembly represented different shades of opinions and ideologies.
It also represented different social groups of India. The Constituent Assembly discussed all issues thoroughly before reaching decision on them. The decision and suggestions of different sub-Committees of the Constituent Assembly were finally incorporated in the Constitution of India.
The Constitution of India is a document which provides a vision for social change. The Constitution is an embodiment of principles of liberal democracy and secularism, with some elements of social democracy. It ensures protection of cultural, linguistic and religious rights of individuals and communities.
