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Scientists say a month of concentrated efforts is all it takes to control mosquitoes responsible for diseases like dengue and chikungunya. But the claim sounds far-fetched at a time when almost the entire country has been reporting these diseases for the past few months .


The country registered 36,110 confirmed cases of dengue and 14,656 cases of chikungunya till September 11. Government data shows dengue has also claimed 70 lives. An alarming number of cases have been reported of another type of fever whose symptoms are similar to chikungunya and dengue. It is being dubbed mystery fever. Unable to understand what causes the fever, government agencies have started screening for Zika, another vector-borne disease, as a precaution. The National Institute of Virology, Pune, has already checked over 300 blood samples for Zika virus, but the samples have tested negative, confirms D T Mourya, director of the institute.

Ask B N Nagpal, scientist at the National Institute of Malaria Research, Delhi, why the country has failed to avert such an outbreak of vector-borne diseases and he says it is because of lack of political will. “Even if existing methods are employed properly, it is possible to control the population of mosquitoes,” says Nagpal. His sentiments were echoed by the National Green Tribunal, which on September 21, reprimanded the Delhi government for its “shameful and shocking” response to the outbreak. The capital has so far registered four dengue deaths.

Note*: Disability-adjusted life year (DALY) is a measure of overall disease burden and is expressed as the number of years lost due to ill-health, disability or early death
Note*: Disability-adjusted life year (DALY) is a measure of overall disease burden and is expressed as the number of years lost due to ill-health, disability or early death

Shifting places

A fallout of this political apathy has been the failure of the government to adapt to the changing nature of Aedes aegypti mosquito, which is responsible for the diseases plaguing the country.

Normally, the mosquito would breed only in clean stagnant water accumulated in potholes, discarded containers and tyres. Not only has intermittent rains associated with climate change increased breeding places for the mosquito, the vector is also adapting to newer environments. Now there is evidence that it can grow in dirty water, using it as a habitat throughout the year. A study published in the Indian Journal of Medical Research in 2015 shows that Aedes mosquitoes that breed in dirty water are bigger and have longer wing spans. The National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme’s 2016 Urban Vector-Borne Disease Scheme does not consider dirty water as a breeding area. The authors of the 2015 study suggest that the country’s vector control programme should include sewage drains as breeding habitats of dengue vector mosquitoes.

The scheme includes methods such as controlling mosquito breeding sites, use of anti-larval methods with approved larvicides and biological control through larvivorous fishes and biolarvicides. And even these are not being employed properly, which is clear from the current outbreak.

High on research, low on practice

Many innovative methods have been developed in the past few years to fight mosquitoes, but they are still in experimental stages . One way is the use of crowd-sourced data to predict the disease outbreaks in advance. Scientists at Nanyang Technological University (NTU), National University of Singapore (NUS), and the Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, Mumbai (IITB), collaborated to create a web- and mobile-based application for dengue surveillance.

The Mo-Buzz application combines three elements of dengue management—predictive surveillance, civic engagement and health communication. It was first used in Colombo in 2013 through a group of Sri Lanka’s public health inspectors.

The inspectors monitored different areas in the city and fed their reports in the system, which used a pre-loaded algorithm to generate hotspots of infection in real time. “The predictions informed public health inspectors about the areas that needed immediate interventions,” says May O Lwin, professor at NTU and the principal investigator at Mo-Buzz. The application also allows citizens to “report dengue-breeding sites through geo-tagged picture reports”. The application has not been tried in India so far because of funding issues, says Ravi Poovaiah of IITB, who was part of the team that developed the app.

In fact, the lone experiment in India to use crowd sourced data for sensitising people about dengue has been tried by a Mumbai-based agency called Vamanetra Digihealth. The company, set up in April 2014, started an app in Mumbai to detect dengue-breeding spots in the city. “The response from the public was lukewarm primarily because of limited marketing of the product and the underlying campaign,” says Rintu R Patnaik, managing partner, Vamanetra Digihealth.

He adds that the veracity of data is a big issue on crowd-sourcing platforms. “The challenge we faced in running the trial was similar to what the public health teams regularly face—people are generally unwilling to volunteer or allow health workers to find trouble spots that can allow mosquito breeding.” Though the company has stopped developing apps that require crowd sourcing of data, they are still working on modules that rely on government data and open data sets. Patnaik says the behaviour of people can change for the better “through greater media coverage and awareness”.

Researchers across the globe are also actively developing genetically modified (GM) mosquitoes to control vector population. GM mosquitoes are created by injecting the eggs with modified DNA. The male progeny is released to mate with normal mosquitoes and their progeny has a short lifespan.

Oxitec, a British company, has tested GM mosquitoes in Piracicaba, Brazil, and found that it resulted in an 82 per cent decline of the mosquito population in the area in just eight months.

In August last year, the company got a go-ahead from the US Food and Drug Administration to release the GM mosquitoes as part of an investigational field trial in Key Haven in Florida Keys. Residents of Key Haven will soon vote on the trial and the final approval will be given by the Florida Keys Mosquito Control Board. “In India, we have recommended controlled field trials of GM mosquitoes,” says K Gunasekaran, scientist at the Vector Control Research Centre in Puducherry. He says the Department of Science and Technology is in the process of preparing guidelines for conducting trials in India.

A device effective in controlling mosquito population in septic tanks
A device effective in controlling mosquito population in septic tanks

The use of GM mosquito, however, is controversial as they have been implicated in the spread of the Zika virus. Zika virus infection began in those areas of Brazil where Oxitec had first released the modified mosquitoes. Even activists in Florida Keys are against the use of these mosquitoes.

Use of Wolbachia bacterium has shown potential in controlling the vector. The bacterium reduces the growth of the disease-causing virus such as dengue, chikungunya and Zika in the body of Aedes aegypti. Both Wolbachia-infected male and female mosquitoes are released into the environment. When they mate with normal mosquitoes, they transfer the bacterium to the progeny. Wolbachia is self-sustaining. “This makes the method cost effective,” says Lewti Hunghanfoo, communications adviser for Eliminate Dengue, international collaboration led by Monash University, Australia.

Some experiments have also shown that when Wolbachia-infected male mosquitoes mate with normal female mosquitoes, they are unable to reproduce. Singapore plans to introduce male Aedes mos quitoes carrying Wolbachia bacteria in three housing estates in October this year. The field trial will continue for six months to assess the impact on the mosquito popu lation. India too plans to use Wolbachia in the next two years.

Preliminary research shows that parasitic fungus Metarhizium brunneum has the potential to control the population of the Aedes mosquito. A study published on July 7, 2016, in PLoS Pathogens demonstrates that the fungus can attack Aedes larvae in a rapid and effective way. Researchers of the study say the approach is safe for humans. The biggest advantage of the fungus is that it grows in freshwater, which is the natural habitat of Aedes mosquito.

There is an Indian invention to combat mosquitoes as well. Hawker is an indigenous mosquito and fly trapper developed by Kerala resident Mathews K Mathew. The device uses biogas to lure mosquitoes and sunlight to kill them. It makes use of the smell from the septic tank to attract the mosquitoes. Once the mosquitoes get trapped, the heat built up inside the device kills them. Mathew says a single Hawker can control mosquito population in 0.4 hectare of land and its surroundings. He initially used Hawker in churches and old age homes and has got a patent for the product. He now plans to start mass-producing the device, which currently sells for Rs 1,500.

Colombo mayor A J M Muzammil (second from right) launches the Mo-Buzz application for mapping dengue hotspots at the Colombo Municipal Council on February 12, 2015. Hawker (Courtesy: mo-buzz.org)
Colombo mayor A J M Muzammil (second from right) launches the Mo-Buzz application for mapping dengue hotspots at the Colombo Municipal Council on February 12, 2015. Hawker (Courtesy: mo-buzz.org)

He is in talks with officials of the Kochi Municipal Corporation (KMC) because the city has over 260,000 septic tanks. A senior KMC official says, “The device is the most effective fly remedy we have seen so far. It does not produce chemicals or other toxic waste and has a larger operational area with little maintenance cost. We have already proposed to use Hawker widely.”

Experts say the key lies in using a combined effort, which should have both national policies and local innovations.

“All the innovative methods have potential, but it is unlikely that any of them when used alone, will be effective in disease prevention and control. None has been fully validated so it is too early to tell which will be most effective,” says Duane J Gubler, professor emeritus and founding director of Signature Research Program in Emer ging Infectious Disease, Duke-NUS Medical School, Singapore.

The vector Aedes aegypti has spread across the globe and India is infested with it. It is time we used the one-month opportunity to control the population. We have both established and experimental tools. “These are not difficult to implement. What is difficult is to have sustainable commitment by the government and the people,” says Gubler.

Sri Lanka conquers malaria

The last case of malaria was reported in the country in October 2012

A public health officer treats patients at a mobile malaria clinic in Sri Lanka (Courtesy: Government Of Sri Lanka)

A public health officer treats patients at a mobile malaria clinic in Sri Lanka (Courtesy: Government Of Sri Lanka)

The world Health Organization (WHO) declared Sri Lanka malaria-free on September 6, 2016. “Sri Lanka’s achievement is truly remarkable. In the mid-20th century, it was among the most malaria-affected countries, but now it is malaria-free,” says Poonam Khetrapal Singh, WHO regional director. Health officials in Colombo claim that policy and programmatic shifts led to the success. “This is a combination that worked,” says Hemantha Herath, deputy director, Anti-Malaria Campaign.

Sri Lanka signed up early for WHO’s Global Malaria Eradication Programme (GMEP) in 1958 which resulted in an immediate decline in reported malaria cases spread by Anopheles mosquito. But malaria cases continued to spike intermittently in the 1960s, 1980s and 1990s. Malaria reached epidemic levels in 1999 with confirmed cases reaching 265,000. This served as a wake-up call for the government.

The country first shifted from the single-vector control to an integrated vector-control programme that was applied across the island. A decade later, Sri Lanka added web-based surveillance methods and began working closely with the community to eradicate malaria.

By November 2012, there was remarkable progress. The locally reported cases by then stood at zero with the last local case being reported in October 2012. It is about vigilance and follow up, says Herath.

In the three years that followed, 95, 49 and 36 cases of malaria were reported, all of them having contracted malaria overseas. Due to a strong web-based surveillance, the campaign was able to track citizens travelling from countries with a history of malaria transmission and immediately refer them for treatment. Special attention was paid to security forces personnel, immigrants and tourists. “A 24×7 hotline was added next for improved tracking and the method of treatment was also changed.

Isolation treatment was provided to patients to contain the spreading of infection.” The country’s strong public health system is responsible for the success, says Anura Jayawickrama, Sri Lanka’s health secretary. Early detection and continuous treatment were the key to success. For years, mobile clinics have been used to reach communities, particularly those living in the malaria-affected regions such as the island’s north-west and north-central, he says. Mobile malaria clinics in high transmission areas meant that prompt and effective treatment could reduce the parasite reservoir and the possibility of further transmission, WHO stated in its statement issued after announcing the country malaria-free.

Sri Lanka is the second country in Southeast Asia to eradicate malaria. Last year, WHO had declared the Maldives malaria-free. The country has not reported malaria cases since 1982. The country maintained strong epidemiological and entomological surveillance to sustain its malaria-free status for the past three decades. The same strategy is adopted in India but according to K Gunaksekaran, scientist, Vector Control Research Centre, Puducherry, the reason for Sri Lanka’s success is that they were consistent with the effort. “Unlike us, Sri Lanka continued its efforts even after it had brought down the number of malaria cases. We don’t even have regular surveillance for dengue and chikungunya.”

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    Context

    Sunil Mittal, the chairman of Bharti Airtel, said recently that it would be “tragic” if India’s telecom-access market was to be reduced to only two competing operators. He was probably referring to the possible exit of the financially-stressed Vodafone Idea and the increasing irrelevance of government-owned operators, BSNL and MTNL. This would essentially leave the market to Reliance Jio and Airtel. A looming duopoly, or the exit of a global telecommunications major, are both worrying. They deserve a careful and creative response.

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    Thus Far

    • India’s telecom market has seen monopoly as well as hyper-competition.
    • Twenty-five years ago, the government alone could provide services.
    • Ten years later, there were nearly a dozen competing operators.
    • Most service areas now have four players.
    • The erstwhile monopolies, BSNL and MTNL, are now bit players and often ignored.

    The reduced competition is worrying. Competition has delivered relatively low prices, advanced technologies, and an acceptable quality of services. These gains are now at risk. There is a long way to go in expanding access as well as network capacity.

    The Indian Telecom Irony

    • India is ranked second globally—after China—in the number of people connected to the internet. However, it is also first in the number of people unconnected.
    • Over 50% of Indians are not connected to the internet, despite giant strides in network reach and capacity.
    • India’s per capita or device data usage is low. It has an impressive 4G mobile network. However, its fixed network—wireline or optical fibre—is sparse and often poor.
    • 5G deployment has yet to start and will be expensive.

    Vodafone Tragedy

    Filling the gaps in infrastructure and access will require large investments and competition. The exit of Vodafone Idea will hurt both objectives. The company faces an existential crisis since it was hit hardest by the Supreme Court judgment on the AGR issue in 2019, with an estimated liability of Rs 58,000 crore.

    The closure of Vodafone Idea is an arguably greater concern than the fading role of BSNL and MTNL. The government companies are yet to deploy 4G and have become progressively less competitive. Vodafone Idea, on the other hand, still accounts for about a quarter of subscriptions and revenues and can boast of a quality network.

    It has been adjudged the fastest, for three consecutive quarters, by Ookla, a web-service that monitors internet metrics. India can ill-afford to waste such network capacity. The company’s liabilities will deter any potential buyer.

    Vodafone+MTNL+BSNL ?

    A possible way out could be to combine the resources of the MTNL and BSNL and Vodafone Idea through a strategic partnership. Creative government action can save Vodafone Idea as well as improve the competitiveness of BSNL and MTNL.

    It could help secure government dues, investment, and jobs. It is worth recalling here that, about 30 years ago, the Australian government’s conditions for the entry of its first private operator, Optus, required the latter to take over the loss-making government satellite company, Aussat. Similar out-of-the-box thinking may well be key to escape the looming collateral damage.

    It is not trivial to expand competition in India’s telecom market. Especially since there are no major regulatory barriers to entry anymore. Any new private player will be driven largely by commercial considerations. Global experience suggests that well-entrenched incumbents have massive advantages. New players are daunted by the large investments—and much patience!—needed to set up networks, lure existing customers and sign new ones.

    However, regulators and policymakers have other options to expand choice for telecom consumers. Their counterparts in mature regulatory regimes—e.g., in the European Union—have helped develop extensive markets for resale. Recognising the limited influence of smaller players, regulators mandate that the incumbent offer wholesale prices to resellers who then expand choice for end-users.

    This has been virtually impossible in India. There is a near absence of noteworthy virtual network operators (VNOs) and other resellers. A key barrier to resale is India’s licence fee regime which requires licence-holders to share a proportion of their revenues with the government. Thus, resale could hurt exchequer revenues unless resellers are subject to identical levies. Understandably, the levies—and consequently additional reporting and compliance—is a disincentive for smaller players. The disincentive flows from levies based on revenues which comes with considerable costs of compliance. It would almost vanish if the levies were replaced by say, a flat fee computed objectively.

    The ball is in the court of the regulator and the government. They have options. But will they take decisive action to exercise them? It will be ‘tragic’ if they can’t.


  • INTRODUCTION

    Since most of the early scholars, researchers and historians were men, many aspects of society did not find a place in history books. For example, child-birth, menstruation, women’s work, transgenders, households etc. did not find much mention.

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    Rather than building a holistic picture of the past, some select aspects such as polity and the different roles of men became the central focus of history writing. Women were confined to one corner of the chapter where a paragraph or two was devoted to the ‘status and position of women’.

    Even the details of these paragraphs were hardly different from each other. This made it look like as if history (and thereby society, polity, economy and all culture) belonged to men while women were only a small static unit to be mentioned separately. Of course, there were some exceptions, but these were however rare. This practice is being corrected now and the roles and presence of women are being read into all parts of historical questions.

    SOURCES FOR UNDERSTANDING GENDER HISTORY

    Sources are the bases of history writing. From simple pre-historic tools to abstruse texts, everything can be utilized to understand life and roles of women in history. The presence as well as the absence of women from sources needs to be duly noticed, deliberated and argued upon and only then to be theorised upon.

    Certain objects being directly related to the lives of women or depicting the ideas of the female principle are of central importance. These include but are not limited to female figurines, art objects, texts attributed to or authored or compiled by women, monuments created by or for women, various objects relating to their lifestyle, objects associated with women on account of their cultural roles and so on.

    It has been rightly pointed out by Uma Chakravarti that much of the gender history written in early phase was a ‘partial view from above’. This referred to the utilization of select textual sources and focused only on relational identity of women. There were, however, a few exceptions.

    GENDER HISTORIOGRAPHY

    Amongst the many narratives propagated to denigrate Indian civilization and culture by the British colonial rulers, the condition of Indian women became a point of central reference. Various social evils that made the life of women miserable were pointed out and efforts were also made to introduce ‘reforms.’ Sati, child-marriages, imposed widowhood, polygamy, dowry, educational and economic inequality, purdah (ghoonghat) and many other practices prevailed during the colonial period that made the life of women difficult and pitiable.

    Some practices affected women of higher social and economic households while others led to misery for poorer women. Many social reform movements were started in the 19th century to address these issues and contributions were made by Indian reformers as well as British officials and other Europeans.

    Women in India came to be treated as a homogeneous category and over generalisation became the norm. While many communities in India practised widow remarriage and did not practise (much less forced) sati and while some practised divorces or separation, the image of the Indian woman who had been subjugated as woman, wife and widow became a dominant theme in history writing.

    Secondly, a western vision was placed over the non-western societies and hence interpretations were far removed from the context. For example, notion of stridhan was equated with dowry and little regard was paid to the provisions regarding its use and ownership by women.

    The huge social stigma that came along with the selling of jewellery of the household (one of the main components of stridhan) was paid no attention to. Similarly, penal provisions listed by ancient texts for misappropriation of women’s property were not even looked into.

    During the Paleolithic age, hunting and gathering was norm. However much importance was given to Hunting than gathering in all literature of history. Studies, however, show that hunted prey formed only 35% of the diet while gathering fruits and other edible material supplied the major portion. Gathering of food resources was ordinarily done by women. Since gathering was an important activity, more than hunting for game, it could point to significant role playing by women.

    The gendered understanding of Harappan civilization is being built upon and various archaeological remains have been studied in this respect. The female figurines, idols of pregnant women, the statue of the ‘dancing girl’, various pieces of jewellery and personal belongings that have been discovered at various sites and offer useful insights on the public and private lives of women and men.

    The statue of a girl obtained from Mohanjodaro has been called a ‘dancing girl’ on grounds of familiarity with the institution of devadasis in the later times. Such backward looking explanations are problematic.

    There is a wide variety of terracotta female figurines that have been found at different sites right from the pre-Harappan times. Women figures are found suckling a baby, holding utensils, kneading dough, nursing infants, carrying objects like drums, seated figures for board games, with steatopygia (fat deposition on the hips and elsewhere), with floral head-dresses and in many other forms.

    Even figurines of pregnant women are quite common. However, most of these have been uncritically associated with fertility, religiosity and reproductive ideas, and have been passed off as representations of the Mother Goddesses. While some of them were votive objects, others are held to be toys or other utilities. The focus on female form has been so stereotypical that women have been seen as associated only with home, hearth, fertility, sexuality and divinity. So much so that sometimes even male figurines in assumed womanly roles were classified as female figurines.

    POSITION OF WOMEN IN EARLY INDIA

    The first literary tradition in the Indian subcontinent (and the oldest in the world) is that of the Vedic corpus. From the four Samhitas to the Upanishads, we find many interesting references to women in various roles. Some of these women have left their mark on the cultural heritage to this day and are remembered in various ritual and social contexts. Their names, stories, some highly revered hymns, and other interesting facets are mentioned in the Vedic corpus.

    The Vedic literature has been classified as Early Vedic and Later Vedic. The Rigvedic society and polity seems to be teeming with life and agro-pastoral economy was enmeshed in close kinship ties. Women as well as men participated in society, economy and polity. Some of the most revered hymns including the gayatri mantra are ascribed to women.

    Various natural phenomena are depicted as Goddesses and they are offered prayers. While quantitative analysis highlights the predominance of Indra, Agni, Varuna and other male gods, the power and stature of the goddesses is equally well established.

    Women participated in all three Vedic socio-political assemblies viz. Sabha, Samiti and Vidhata. They had access to education and were even engaged in knowledge creation. They could choose to be brahmavadinis with or without matrimony.

    Hence, there is no reason to believe that they were only confined to home and hearth. T. S. Rukmani attempts to understand if women had agency in early India. Her work has highlighted many interesting details. The author acknowledges the fact that though the patriarchal set up put women at a loss, there were instances where women found space to exercise their agency.

    She points out that though the texts like the Kalpasutras (Srautasutras, Dharmasutras and Grhasutras) revolved around the ideology of Dharma and there was not much space to express alternative ideas, still these works also find some leeway to express ideas reflecting changed conditions.

    For example, there is a statement in the Apastamba Dharmasutra that one should follow what women say in the funeral samskaras. Stephanie Jamison believes that in hospitality and exchange relations, women played an important role. She says that the approval of the wife was important in the successful completion of the soma sacrifice. In another study it has been shown that women enjoyed agency in deciding what was given in a sacrifice, bhiksha to a sanyasin. The men had no authority in telling her what to do in these circumstances.

    Vedic society was the one which valued marriage immensely. In such contexts, Gender Perspectives if a woman chose not to marry, then it would point to her exercising choice in her decision to go against the grain and remain unmarried.

    Mention may be made of Gargi. She was a composer of hymns and has been called a brahmavadini. This term applies to a woman who was a composer of hymns and chose to remain unmarried, devoting herself to the pursuit of learning.

    Similarly, in the case of Maitreyi, she consciously opts to be educated in the Upanishadic lore and Yajnavalkya does not dissuade her from exercising her choice.

    The statement in the Rigveda that learned daughters should marry learned bridegrooms indicates that women had a say in marriage. Though male offspring is desired, there is a mantra in the Rigveda, recitation of which ensures the birth of a learned daughter.

    Altekar refers to the yajnas like seethayagna, rudrayajna etc. that were to be performed exclusively by women. Some of the women were known for their exceptional calibre, for example, from the Rigveda Samhita we find mention of women like Apala, Ghosha, Lopamudra, Gargi, Maitreyi, Shachi, Vishwavara Atri, Sulabha and others.

    Women have not only been praised as independent individuals but also with reference to their contributions towards their natal or marital families.

    The Later Vedic literature shows the progression towards a State society with a change in the organization of the society and polity. The chief comes to be referred to as bhupati instead of gopati. However, within the twelve important positions (ratnis) mentioned, the chief queen retains a special position under the title mahisi.

    The importance of the chief queen continued as gleaned from several references to them in the Epics, Arthashastra and even in coins and epigraphs from early historical times.

    The other Samhitas also refer to women sages such as Rishikas. The wife is referred to as sahadharmini. Brahmanas or the texts dealing with the performance of the yajna (Vedic ritual), requires a man to be accompanied by his wife to be able to carry out rituals.

    For example, Aitareya Brahmana looks upon the wife as essential to spiritual wholesomeness of the husband. However, there is a mention of some problematic institutions as well.

    Uma Chakravarti has pointed towards the condition of Vedic Dasis (female servant/slave) who are referred to in numerous instances. They were the objects of dana (donation/gift) and dakshina (fee).

    It is generally believed that from the post Vedic period the condition of the women steadily deteriorated. However, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi and subsequent grammatical literature speak highly of women acharyas and Upadhyayas.

    Thus, the memory and practice of a brahmavadini continued even after the Vedic period. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and even the Puranas keep the memory of brhamavadini alive.

    Mention may be made of Anasuya, Kunti, Damyanti, Draupadi, Gandhari, Rukmini who continued to fire the imagination of the poets. Texts show that the daughter of Kuni-garga refused marriage because she did not find anyone worthy of her.

    The Epics also mention women whose opinions were sought in major events. For example, after the thirteen years of exile, while debating upon the future course of action regarding the restoration of their share, the Pandavas along with Krshna asks Draupadi for her views. Similarly, when Krishna goes to the Kaurava’s court to plead the case of Pandavas, Gandhari is called upon to persuade her sons to listen to reason.

    Since a woman taking sanyasa was an act of transgression, one can explore women’s agency through such instances. In the Ramayana, Sabari, who was the disciple of Sage Matanga, and whose hermitage was on the banks of river Pampa was one such sanyasin.

    Such women find mention in Smriti literature and Arthashashtra. Kautilya’s prohibition against initiating women into Sanyasa can make sense only if women were being initiated into sanyasa. He advises the king to employ female parivrajakas as spies.

    Megasthenes mentions women who accompanied their husbands to the forest, probably referring to the Vanaprastha stage. Another category of literature called Shastras that comprises of sutras (aphorisms) and the smriti texts (‘that which is remembered’) becomes important in the postVedic period.

    These textual traditions cover many subjects relating to the four kinds of pursuits of life referred to as purusharthas (namely dharma, karma, kama and moksha). In all these texts we find very liberal values and freedom for both women and men.

    The setting up of a household is seen as an ideal for men as well as women (though asceticism for learning is equally praised for both). For example, Apastambha Sutra opines that rituals carried out by an unmarried man do not please the devatas (divinities). Similarly, Manusmriti provides that ‘for three years shall a girl wait after the onset of her puberty; after that time, she may find for herself a husband of equal status. If a woman who has not been given in marriage finds a husband on her own, she does not incur any sin, and neither does the man she finds’

    Thus, we see that women enjoyed choice in matters of matrimony. It is interesting to note that unmarried daughters were to be provided for by the father. In fact, daughter is stated to be the object of utmost affection. Should a girl lose her parents, her economic interests were well looked after. It was provided that from their shares, ‘the brothers shall give individually to the unmarried girls, one-quarter from the share of each. Those unwilling to give will become outcastes’

    With regards to defining contemporary attitude towards women, Apastambha Sutra prescribed that ‘All must make a way for a woman when she is treading a path.’ Later Dharmashastra also makes similar statements.

    Yagnavalkyasmriti mentions that ‘women are the embodiment of all divine virtues on earth.’ However, there are several provisions that look problematic.

    On one hand, we have reverence assigned to the feminine (divine and worldly) and important roles being played by them, on the other hand we have questionable provisions and descriptions like right to chastise them through beating or discarding.

    The post-Vedic phase from 6th century BCE onwards is also rich in literary traditions with ample depictions of women. Interestingly, we have an entire body of literature that is ascribed totally to women who became Buddhist nuns. These are referred to as Therigathas i.e. the Songs of the Elder Bhikkhunis (Buddhist Women who joined the Sangha).

    The Arthashastra Gender Perspectives gives us information on women who were engaged in economic activities of various kinds. They formed a part of both the skilled and the unskilled workforce. They were into professional as well as non-professional employment.

    Some of their vocations were related to their gender, while the others were not. There were female state employees as well as independent working women. Similarly, some of them were engaged in activities which though not dependent on their biological constitution are nonetheless categorized as women’s domain, e.g. domestic services etc. Some of them were actual state employees, while some others were in contractual relations with the State. For example, we have female bodyguards and spies in the State employment.

    Jaiswal suggests that these women perhaps came from Bhila or Kirata tribe. Female spies were not only to gather information and relay it to proper source, but also to carry out assassinations. However, a closer look at the text shows that there were different classes of female spies engaged for different purposes. Amongst others ‘women skilled in arts were to be employed as spies living inside their houses’. Others were required to work as assassins. Some were to the play the roles of young and beautiful widows to tempt the lust of greedy enemy.

    We also have various Buddhist and Jaina traditions giving us some glimpses of the ideas and institutions of the times. Apart from the orthodox (Vedic and Brahmanic) and heterodox normative tradition we have many popular texts like the Epics in Sanskrit and Jatakas in Pali.

    Even Prakrit language has many interesting narratives and poetic texts. The Therigatha by the Buddhist nuns are an interesting literary source that provides us with a glimpse of various women who attained arhantship or similar other stages of Realisation.

    The deliberation on the age and deterioration of the body by Ambapali, the non-importance of sensual or bodily pleasures by Nanda, Vimla and Shubha etc points towards the intellectual and spiritual engagements and attainments of women.

    It is interesting to note that an absolutely contrary picture is presented by the Jatakas wherein more often than not, women are depicted as evil. It is important to note that women were given an evil aura mostly in their roles as wives or beloveds.

    Both the texts and the archaeological remains have been studied by various scholars and opposing interpretations are not rare. For example, on one side Sita (from Ramayana) and Draupadi (from Mahabharata) have been seen as victims of the patriarchal order; on the other hand, they are also represented as selfwilled women.

    Draupadi after the game of dice presents herself as a forceful and articulate woman. It’s her wit that saves her husbands from becoming slaves of the Kauravas. Her incensed outrage at the attack on her modesty, her bitter lamentations to Krishna, her furious tirade against Yudhishthira for his seeming inability to defend her honour and many more such instances show her to be an aggressive woman. This persona is juxtaposed to her representations as an ideal wife elsewhere. However, Draupadi is never idealised as a perfect wife who endures the most severe trials without complaint. This honour is reserved for Sita in the Ramayana. She is also presented as a victim like Draupadi and voices her concern at her fate openly. However, her aggression is directed inwards as indicated by her action against the self which culminate in her union with the mother Earth.

    Are the limited number of hymns ascribed to the Vedic women a signifier of their general status? Are the goddesses merely representational with no connection to the ideas and behaviour towards women? Did only princesses choose their spouses? Are the warrior women an exception? Such searching questions need to be addressed with due diligence.

    While women studies are a good development there is a need to expand the horizons to include other varieties of human existence. We have narratives of fluid sexuality in various texts. The one year of Arjuna’s life spent as Brihallana and rebirth of Amba as Shikhandi are some interesting instances. The artefacts found at the site of Sheri Khan Tarakai include visibly hermaphroditic figurines. There is a need to understand the notions of the feminine, masculine, neuter, and other forms of gender and sexual identities. These will have ramifications for understanding the ideas of conjugality, family, community, society and even polity and spirituality.

    CONCLUSION

    Human civilisations were built by men as well as women, however, history writing has a huge male-bias. Women were confined to questions of status and position that were largely evaluated in terms of their roles in the domestic sphere.

    Their treatment as wives and widows became a central focus of most research alongside their place in ritual or religious context. This made them peripheral to mainstream history. This was questioned by various scholars from time to time and led to the development of gendered understanding of history. Focusing attention on women’s history helps to rectify the method which sees women as a monolithic homogeneous category. Writing gender history has helped in building an image of the past that is wholesome and nuanced.