India is home to 18 Biosphere Reserves (BRs). The reserves are representative parts of natural and cultural landscapes extending over large area of terrestrial or coastal/marine ecosystems. Globally there are 621 BRs from 117 countries included so far.

The national Government is responsible for nominating Biosphere Reserves (BRs) if they meet a minimal set of criteria and adhere to minimal set of conditions under the Man and Biosphere Reserve Programme of UNESCO. Biosphere Reserves (BRs) are special environments for both people and the nature and are living examples of how human beings and nature can peacefully co-exist and respect each other’s needs.

List of Biosphere Reserves

List of Biosphere Reserves

1. Cold Desert

7,770sqkm

Designated on 28.08.2009

Part of Pin Valley National Park and surroundings; Chandratal & Sarchu; and Kibber Wildlife      sanctuary in Himachal Pradesh.

Key fauna include Snow Leopard

2.  Nanda Devi

 5860.69sqk

Designated on 18.01.1988

Part of Chamoli, Pithoragarh and Almora districts in Uttarakhand.

 Key fauna include Himalayan Snow Leopard

3. Khangchendzonga

2931.12sqkm

Designated on 07.02.2000

Part of North and West districts in Sikkim.

Key fauna include Snow Leopard, Red Panda

4. Dehang-Dibang

5111.5sqkm

Designated on 02.09.1998

Part of Upper Siang, West Siang and Dibang Valley districts in Arunachal Pradesh.

Key fauna include red panda, binturong

5. Manas

2837sqkm

Designated on 14.03.1989

Part of Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Barpeta, Nalbari, Kamprup and Darang districts in A

Key fauna include Golden Langur, Red Pa

6. Nokrek

820 sqkm

Designated on 01.09.1988

Part of East, West and South Garo Hill districts in Meghalaya.

Key fauna include Red Panda

7. Dibru-Saikhova

765sqkm

Designated on   28.07.1997

Part of Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts in Assam.

Key fauna include Golden Langur

8. Panna

2998.98sqkm

Designated on   25.08.2011

Part of Panna and Chhattarpur districts in Madhya Pradesh

Key fauna include Tiger, Chital, Chinkara, Sambhar and Sloth Bear

9. Kachchh

12,454sqkm

Designated on29.01.2008

Part of Kachchh, Rajkot, Surendranagar and Patan districts in Gujarat.

Key fauna include  Indian Wild Ass

10. Pachmarhi

4981.72sqkm

Designated on03.03.1999

Part of Betul, Hoshangabad and Chhindwara districts in Madhya Pradesh.

Key fauna include Giant Squirrel, Flying Squirrel

11.  Achanakmar- Amarkantak          

3,835.51 sqkm

Designated on 30.03.2005

Part of Anuppur and Dindori districts of Madhya Pradesh and Bilaspur district of Chattisgarh.

Key fauna include Leopards, gaur, chital

12. Sunderban

9630sqkm

Designated on 29.03.1989

Part of delta of Ganges & Brahamaputra river system in West Bengal.

Key fauna include Royal Bengal Tiger

13. Similipal

4374sqkm

Designated on 21.06.1994

Part of Mayurbhanj district in Orissa.

Key fauna include Gaur, Royal Bengal Tiger, Wild Elephant

List of Biosphere Reserves

Biosphere Reserves

14. Seshachalam

4755.997sqkm

Designated on   20.09.2010

Part of Seshachalam hill ranges in Eastern Ghats encompassing part of Chittoor and Kadapa

districts in Andhra Pradesh.

Key fauna include Wild Dog, Golden Jackal, Indian Fox, Jungle Cat, Sloth Bear

15. Nilgiri

5520 sqkm

Designated on 01.08.1986

Part of Wynad, Nagarhole, Bandipur and

Madumalai, Nilambur, Silent Valley and

Siruvani hills in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and

Karnataka.

Key fauna include Nilgiri Tahr, Lion-tailed macaque

16.  Agasthyamalai

3500.36sqkm

Designated on   12.11.2001

Part of Thirunelveli and Kanyakumari districts in Tamil Nadu and Thiruvanthapuram, Kollam

and Pathanmthitta districts in Kerala.

Key fauna include Nilgiri Tahr, Elephants

17. Gulf of Mannar

10500sqkm

Designated on 18.02.1989

Part of Gulf of Mannar extending from Rameswaram island in the North to Kanyakumari in      the South of Tamil Nadu.

Key fauna include Dugong or Sea Cow

18. Great Nicobar

885sqkm

Designated on 06.01.1989

Southernmost island of Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Key fauna include Saltwater Crocodile


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  • Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,

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    Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.

    This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.

    It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.

    The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.

    Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.

    India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.

    More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.

    An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.

    India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.

    Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.

    And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.

    A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.

    We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.

    We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.

    In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.