By Categories: Economy, Editorials

What Is A Bad Bank?

Bad bank is not a new concept. One of the early examples of a bad bank was demonstrated in Spain in response to its banking crisis that began from 1978. Corporacion Bancaria was set up with an equal partnership between private banks and the Bank of Spain. It was expanded to become the Deposit Guarantee Fund (DGF). The fund acquired the bad loans of banks to sell them off. The DGF was able to clean up its exercise in slightly above a year, but the cost was mostly borne by the taxpayers. The experience was repeated by Mellon Bank in the US that bought up about $ 1.4 billion of bad loans, mostly extracted from the real estate and energy sector. Down the road another entity named Grant Street national bank was carved out of Mellon Bank. This too was wound up by 1995 after its objective was broadly met.

In the process two broad formats of bad banks have emerged. The first is one where a specific bank assumes the assets of a single bank. This was the case for like the one created by Swiss National Bank(SNB) for UBS post 2008, in the form of a fund called SNB Stabilisation Fund. India had a limited experience with this form in the UTI 64 saga. The bad assets of UTI were housed in a separate company. The second option is a national or a sub-national entity to address a broader systemic problem of bad loans. Both can be further differentiated based on whether there is significant government funding or has been generated mostly through private participation. Experience gleaned from the Spanish crisis and later ones show that a system wide problem requires governmental support which in turn means it has to be paid for by the taxpayers. A corollary of that cost is that this can gain public support only if the unsuccessful owners and managers of the distressed assets are removed from their position. The latest Economic Survey discusses several aspects of bad banks but gives this issue a miss.

Why India Might Need A Bad Bank?

As the latest Economic Survey of the Government of India points out that the economy is suffering from a “twin balance sheet (TBS) problem”, where both the banking and corporate sectors were under stress. “Not just a small amount of stress, but one of the highest degrees of stress in the world. At its current level, India’s non-performing asset (NPA) ratio is higher than any other major emerging market (with the exception of Russia), higher even than the peak levels seen in Korea during the East Asian crisis”. This is crazy to even decipher.

Whenever economies have suffered this problem, in the next stage, banks have effectively shut shop on further lending. The economy has gone into a tailspin and growth plummeted. India has instead seen the problem emerge despite carrying on with a high growth path. The high NPA levels have not triggered banking crises. “There has not even been a hint of pressure on the banking system. There have been no bank runs, no stress in the interbank market, and no need for any liquidity support, at any point since the TBS problem first emerged in 2010. And all for a very good reason: because the bulk of the problem has been concentrated in the public sector banks, which not only hold their own capital but are ultimately backed by the government, whose resources are more than sufficient to deal with the NPA problem. As a result, creditors have retained complete confidence in the banking system”.

In other words, all the fundamentals of the financial sector has got squashed but has still worked since the government has been a banker. But even as this has been safe for the depositors can it last forever? The reasons why the mid-sized banks have not keeled over is the funds government is pouring into them from taxpayers’ money. In the absence of any correction, it can balloon to eat up all the tax money.

To quote the Economic Survey, “Banks around the world typically strive for a return of assets (ROA) of 1.5 per cent or above… But Indian public sector banks are much below this international norm. In fact, their ROA has turned negative over the past two years.”

And at the same time the companies that are in debt have no chance to improve either. This is because they can conceivably use their political clout to keep on getting more money on interest from the banks to pay for their losses but this finally leads them to bankruptcy. The only reason again why they have not gone bankrupt is because there was no provision till recently for a bankruptcy law in India. Worse, the stress among the corporate sector is spreading out of the club of large companies. “For much of the period since the global financial crisis, the problems of bad loans were concentrated in the large companies, which had taken on excessive leverage during the mid-2000s boom, while the more cautious smaller and mid-size companies had by and large continued to service their debts. Starting in the second half of 2016, however, a significant proportion of the increases in NPAs – four-fifths of the slippages during the second quarter – came from mid-size and micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs), as smaller companies that had been suffering from poor sales and profitability for a number of years struggled to remain current on their debts. This trend is likely to continue into 2017.”

Thus there is a need for a bad bank to take out the bad loans from the books of the commercial banks for being treated separately. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has also given the green light to the idea. He told a post budget meeting, “It is also a possible solution. The Economic Survey 2016-17 has advised the establishment of a bad bank to deal with the NPA issue.”

How Would The Bad Bank Be Funded?

This is where the old chestnut about demonetisation comes in handy. Setting up a bank, good or bad, needs capital. The only entity at this point which has surplus capital is the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). Again, as the Economic Survey points out among all the central banks in the world the RBI is highly capitalised. The demonetisation windfall will create an additional capital base for them. This is the source to finance the bad bank.

What Should Be The Structure Of The Bad Bank?

It would purchase loans from the banks paying them money that frees up their capital. Since it will buy the loans from banks at the book value there will be no write-off of assets of the banks; which means the equity of the bank will not be hurt and thus would not need to add more capital to make the sale. It would then either convert the debt into equity and sell the stakes in auctions or cut down the debt in stages, cleaning up the financial system. But the key theme should be that it will not be just an accounting tool to park bad loans from banks, but it should be able to maximise recovery from the bad debt, so the various investors get reasonable returns. Basically, it should focus on economics and not just an accounting transfer. Most probably the bank will need a nod from Parliament to be created. The Survey suggests that it could be set up with a structure like the one done for the GST Network, which is broadly within the aegis of the public sector but with government owning 49 per cent. In any case, the bank has to be thoroughly professional, with “plans that maximise – and are seen to maximise – recovery value.”

What Are The Alternatives?

An alternative could be to set up instead a Sovereign Distressed Asset Fund (SDAF). The fund will pay the banks in terms of long-term bond, the maturity of which should coincide with maturity of the fund. The bonds will have built-in put options so that they may be retired by the SDAF if there is an early overall recovery. The payment of the principal and accrued interest at very low rates of interest of 3 per cent- 4 per cent is a necessary corollary. A variation of the same can be a zero coupon bonds but with principal guaranteed by government of India (GOI) and payable at the end of 10 years to finance such a fund. This will ensure that the GOI has no immediate cash outflow to support the banks. The bonds issued will be treated as assets on the books of banks. The core principle remains to maximise economic profit for the SDAF.

Finally it is quite possible that some banks will be reluctant to sell the bad assets to the bad bank. They could claim their recovery prospects of their specific bad assets will be better than the overall pool of bad debts. The counter could be if these banks are so confident they need not have categorised the loan as stressed in the first instance. The other solution may be to make it mandatory for the banks to sell the bad loans to the new entity.


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  • Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,

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    Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.

    This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.

    It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.

    The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.

    Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.

    India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.

    More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.

    An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.

    India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.

    Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.

    And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.

    A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.

    We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.

    We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.

    In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.