Economy & Society

453 Million People on the Move: Understanding India’s Internal Migration — Who They Are, Why They Move, and Why the System Keeps Failing Them

India’s internal migrants — 453 million people as of the last Census — are the backbone of its urban economy. They build its roads, run its restaurants, clean its homes, and recycle its waste. Yet they remain the most under-counted, under-protected, and under-served population in the country. We explain who they are, how they move, and what India must fix.

Every monsoon season, something happens in the villages of Odisha, Jharkhand, Bihar, and eastern Uttar Pradesh that the government’s data systems are poorly equipped to track. Men — and increasingly families — pack their belongings into cloth bundles, board trains that are chronically overcrowded, and travel hundreds of kilometres to cities and construction sites where seasonal work is available. They work for five, six, or eight months. Then, when the work dries up or when the agricultural calendar pulls them back for sowing, they return. They arrive. They work. They disappear from the data.

This circular, seasonal, informal movement is the dominant form of internal migration in India — and it is the movement that India’s policy systems have the hardest time seeing, counting, and serving.

The COVID-19 pandemic made the invisibility catastrophic: when cities shut down in March 2020, an estimated 50 to 120 million workers had no income, no welfare access, and no transport home. They walked. And the country watched, in real time, the consequences of decades of indifference to a population it had always needed but never quite acknowledged.

First: What Do We Mean by “Internal Migration”?

Internal migration simply means movement of people within a country’s borders. Unlike international migration — which crosses national boundaries — internal migration requires no passport, no visa, and no formal permission. But it brings almost all the same challenges: a new place, new language, loss of welfare entitlements, and no existing social network to fall back on.

Types of Internal Migration in India

3 Scales and 4 Directions

By distance covered (the three types):

  • Intra-district migration: Moving within the same district — the most common and least disruptive form
  • Intra-state migration: Moving to a different district but within the same state — still within the same language, often within the same welfare system
  • Inter-state migration: Moving to a different state altogether — the most economically significant form, and the one that creates the most welfare portability problems

By origin and destination (the four streams):

  • Rural-to-urban: The most discussed and most studied — a villager moving to a city for work. Comprises 25.2% of all internal migration in India
  • Urban-to-urban: Moving from one city to another — 22.9% of all migration
  • Urban-to-rural: Moving from city back to village — 17.5%, often return or retirement migration
  • Rural-to-rural: Moving from one village to another — 4.4%, often seasonal agricultural labour

One additional distinction matters enormously for policy: the difference between permanent migration and circular or seasonal migration. A permanent migrant moves once and stays at the destination. A circular migrant moves repeatedly between source and destination — working in the city for months, returning home, coming back. Most Indian labour migration is circular, not permanent — which is exactly why it is so hard to count and so hard to serve.

India’s Census provides the most comprehensive data on internal migration, though it has important limitations. The two ways the Census defines migrants tell us something about those limitations:

  • Migrant by place of birth: A person counted at a Census location different from where they were born
  • Migrant by last residence: A person who has lived continuously at their current location for at least six months, having come from somewhere else

Both definitions miss seasonal migrants — people who move for one to six months at a time, which is the majority of India’s labour migration.

Internal Migration in India

  • 1991 Census: 232.1 million internal migrants
  • 2001 Census: 314.6 million internal migrants
  • 2011 Census: 453.7 million internal migrants — 37% of total population
  • Migration in India (2020–21) survey: ~400 million migrants — approximately 29% of population
  • Share of migrants in rural India: rose from 26.1% (1991) to 32.5% (2011)
  • Share of migrants in urban India: rose from 32.3% (1991) to 48.4% (2011)
  • Intra-state migration share: ~85% of all migration
  • India’s urbanisation rate (2021): 35% — vs 63% in China, 43% in lower-middle-income countries globally

Who Actually Migrates — and Why

Internal migration in India is not random. It is patterned along lines of gender, age, caste, religion, region, and economic class — and understanding those patterns is essential to designing policies that actually help.

Gender:

Migration in India has distinct gendered dimensions. The single largest reason for female migration in India is marriage — when a woman marries and moves to her husband’s household, she is technically a migrant by Census definition. This means a significant share of India’s counted migration is actually marriage-driven female mobility, not labour migration.

Male migration, by contrast, is predominantly work-driven. Young men from rural areas in low-income states move to construction sites, factories, and service sectors in wealthier states. The “general trend for migration for work or employment reflects that such migrants are mostly youth,” as Patgiri notes — linking labour migration directly to India’s demographic transition and the large youth cohort now entering the workforce.

Women who do migrate for work face specific and compounded vulnerabilities: lower wages than male counterparts, higher risk of exploitation and trafficking, limited access to childcare and reproductive healthcare at the destination, and social stigma around women travelling alone. Female migrants in domestic work — one of the largest employment categories for migrant women — operate with almost no legal protections and no formal contract.

Caste, Tribe, and Religion:

Migration in India is also segmented along social identity lines. Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe workers are disproportionately represented in distress migration — they are more likely to migrate out of economic necessity than by choice, more likely to work in hazardous informal sector jobs at the destination, and least likely to access the social networks that connect migrants to better opportunities. Caste hierarchies at destination cities do not dissolve when workers cross state borders — they often reproduce in the form of occupational segregation, where workers from specific communities are channelled into specific types of work regardless of their skills.

The Seasonal and Circular Migrants:

The 64th round of the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO), conducted in 2007–08, made a specific attempt to capture seasonal short-term migrants — those who had migrated for a period of at least one month but no more than six months for employment. This was a methodological breakthrough: the first serious government attempt to count the people who make up the majority of India’s labour migration.

What Is Seasonal Migration?

Seasonal migration is the temporary movement of people from one place to another in response to seasonal changes in employment availability. Think of a family in rural Odisha that sends its working-age members to construction sites in Surat between October and April — the agricultural off-season at home — and brings them back for the kharif sowing and harvest. The family’s income depends on both: the agricultural production at home and the wage income from the city.

This kind of migration is “distress-driven” more often than not — meaning people move because staying home during the off-season produces no income, not because the city is offering something especially attractive. The distress origin does not make the movement less rational; in the absence of alternatives, it is the most rational economic decision available. But it does mean that migrants arrive at their destinations in a vulnerable position, with no savings buffer, no local contacts beyond their community network, and no fallback if work dries up.

Seasonal migrants in India’s cities work across a remarkably wide range of sectors: construction and infrastructure, small factories and workshops, hotels and restaurants, domestic help, head-loading (manual cargo carrying), scrap recycling, and vegetable vending.

They are the people who pour the concrete for new buildings, carry the luggage at railway stations, and cook the food in the dhabas that feed the city’s workforce. They are also among the most likely to be living in overcrowded, inadequate housing: often in migrant dormitories, under-bridge settlements, or in the same construction sites where they work.

The Informal Economy:

The structural changes in India’s economy following liberalisation in 1991 contributed to the growth of a large informal economy — unregulated, unprotected, and highly flexible. The informal sector became the primary employer of migrant labour, for a reason that is not complicated: informal employers want workers they can hire and fire at will, without contractual obligations or labour law compliance. Migrants, especially seasonal migrants without local roots, local political connections, or local documentation are ideal informal workers precisely because they are so easy to dismiss.

Migrant workers “find it hard to enter into formal jobs because of limited bargaining power and constrained networks,” . Without formal contracts, they have no recourse when wages are withheld. Without labour union membership, they have no collective voice. Without local registration, they cannot access government schemes. They are productive for the economy and invisible to the welfare system: a combination that has persisted for decades because it is convenient for employers, cities, and state governments alike.

The COVID Crisis: Reverse Migration and What It Revealed

The nationwide lockdown announced on March 24, 2020, with four hours’ notice, immediately made visible everything India had been ignoring about its migrant workers. Factories shut. Construction stopped. Restaurants closed. Within days, an estimated 50 to 120 million workers found themselves stranded in cities where they had no income, no food entitlement (because their ration cards were registered in home states they had not lived in for months), and no way home (because transport was suspended).

The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2020–21, which incorporated new migration-specific questions in response to the crisis, confirmed what was visible on the roads: a massive movement of people from urban to rural areas, far exceeding what any normal reverse migration would look like. The data revealed not just the scale of distress but the complete absence of any social safety net capable of catching people in a crisis of this kind.

The primary concern in the aftermath was reabsorption: where would the returning workers go, what would they do, and how would they survive? Many had left behind accumulated wages that employers refused to pay on exit. Many arrived home to find MGNREGS work unavailable or underfunded. The risk of falling deeper into poverty  was very real for a significant share of the returnees.

What Needs to Change:

Making Migration Safer and More Productive:

1. Fix the data problem first.

Without a reliable, current count of seasonal and circular migrants, no policy can be well-targeted. The 2021 Census, still delayed, must include specific questions on short-term and circular migration. The e-Shram portal needs to identify migrants as a distinct category. Telecom and banking data can supplement official surveys to track migration trends in real time.

2. Reduce the cost of migration.

Economists have pointed out that the costs of migration — transport, documentation, information-gathering — are disproportionately high relative to migrant incomes, reducing the mobility of workers who might otherwise move. State-level migrant assistance centres, migrant information portals, and subsidised transport corridors to high-demand destinations can reduce these costs.

3. Food security portability — One Nation One Ration Card.

The ONORC scheme, allowing migrants to access PDS food entitlements anywhere in India using an Aadhaar-linked card, is the most directly relevant welfare portability measure for migrants. It has been rolled out nationally. But uptake remains low due to limited awareness and the practical difficulty of simultaneously maintaining food access for the family left behind. Better awareness campaigns, simplified access points, and dual-family provisions are needed.

4. Social security that travels with the worker.

Health insurance (PMJAY), accident compensation, and pension contributions should be linked to the worker’s identity (via Aadhaar and e-Shram) rather than their state of residence. A worker who moves from Bihar to Maharashtra should not lose their health coverage on crossing the border.

5. Enforce written contracts and wages.

The Inter-State Migrant Workmen Act of 1979 requires contractors to register migrant workers and ensure minimum wages and other protections. It has been chronically under-enforced. The new Labour Codes that consolidate existing labour laws must be effectively implemented, with specific provisions for migrants and dedicated enforcement capacity.

6. Adequate housing near job clusters.

Migrant workers in cities often live in conditions that are both unsafe and far from their workplaces. Affordable Rental Housing Complexes (ARHCs) near industrial areas and construction corridors need to be implemented at scale.

7. Strengthen welfare provision at the source.

If migration is to become less distress-driven and more opportunity-driven, source regions must become more viable. MGNREGS, agricultural income support, skill development, and rural infrastructure investment in the highest-migration districts reduce the desperation that forces people to migrate in the most vulnerable conditions.

Migration, at its best, is a rational strategy by which households move labour from places where it earns little to places where it earns more; and in doing so, reduce poverty, transfer remittances to source regions, and fuel the urban construction and service sectors that drive national growth. India’s internal migrants do all of this, at an extraordinary scale, largely without formal support, legal protection, or data visibility.

The COVID crisis was a stress test that the system failed. The returning workers who walked home in 2020 were not anomalies or exceptions — they were the visible face of a structural condition that has existed for decades. Most of them came back. The conditions that sent them walking have not fundamentally changed.

Making migration safer and more productive does not require new discoveries. It requires implementing what is already known — portable welfare, enforceable contracts, reliable data, and functional housing. The only thing missing, for most of India’s migration policy history, has been the political will to prioritise a population that does not vote in the cities where it works, and does not make noise in the villages it comes from.

 

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  • INTRODUCTION

    Since most of the early scholars, researchers and historians were men, many aspects of society did not find a place in history books. For example, child-birth, menstruation, women’s work, transgenders, households etc. did not find much mention.

    [wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]

    Rather than building a holistic picture of the past, some select aspects such as polity and the different roles of men became the central focus of history writing. Women were confined to one corner of the chapter where a paragraph or two was devoted to the ‘status and position of women’.

    Even the details of these paragraphs were hardly different from each other. This made it look like as if history (and thereby society, polity, economy and all culture) belonged to men while women were only a small static unit to be mentioned separately. Of course, there were some exceptions, but these were however rare. This practice is being corrected now and the roles and presence of women are being read into all parts of historical questions.

    SOURCES FOR UNDERSTANDING GENDER HISTORY

    Sources are the bases of history writing. From simple pre-historic tools to abstruse texts, everything can be utilized to understand life and roles of women in history. The presence as well as the absence of women from sources needs to be duly noticed, deliberated and argued upon and only then to be theorised upon.

    Certain objects being directly related to the lives of women or depicting the ideas of the female principle are of central importance. These include but are not limited to female figurines, art objects, texts attributed to or authored or compiled by women, monuments created by or for women, various objects relating to their lifestyle, objects associated with women on account of their cultural roles and so on.

    It has been rightly pointed out by Uma Chakravarti that much of the gender history written in early phase was a ‘partial view from above’. This referred to the utilization of select textual sources and focused only on relational identity of women. There were, however, a few exceptions.

    GENDER HISTORIOGRAPHY

    Amongst the many narratives propagated to denigrate Indian civilization and culture by the British colonial rulers, the condition of Indian women became a point of central reference. Various social evils that made the life of women miserable were pointed out and efforts were also made to introduce ‘reforms.’ Sati, child-marriages, imposed widowhood, polygamy, dowry, educational and economic inequality, purdah (ghoonghat) and many other practices prevailed during the colonial period that made the life of women difficult and pitiable.

    Some practices affected women of higher social and economic households while others led to misery for poorer women. Many social reform movements were started in the 19th century to address these issues and contributions were made by Indian reformers as well as British officials and other Europeans.

    Women in India came to be treated as a homogeneous category and over generalisation became the norm. While many communities in India practised widow remarriage and did not practise (much less forced) sati and while some practised divorces or separation, the image of the Indian woman who had been subjugated as woman, wife and widow became a dominant theme in history writing.

    Secondly, a western vision was placed over the non-western societies and hence interpretations were far removed from the context. For example, notion of stridhan was equated with dowry and little regard was paid to the provisions regarding its use and ownership by women.

    The huge social stigma that came along with the selling of jewellery of the household (one of the main components of stridhan) was paid no attention to. Similarly, penal provisions listed by ancient texts for misappropriation of women’s property were not even looked into.

    During the Paleolithic age, hunting and gathering was norm. However much importance was given to Hunting than gathering in all literature of history. Studies, however, show that hunted prey formed only 35% of the diet while gathering fruits and other edible material supplied the major portion. Gathering of food resources was ordinarily done by women. Since gathering was an important activity, more than hunting for game, it could point to significant role playing by women.

    The gendered understanding of Harappan civilization is being built upon and various archaeological remains have been studied in this respect. The female figurines, idols of pregnant women, the statue of the ‘dancing girl’, various pieces of jewellery and personal belongings that have been discovered at various sites and offer useful insights on the public and private lives of women and men.

    The statue of a girl obtained from Mohanjodaro has been called a ‘dancing girl’ on grounds of familiarity with the institution of devadasis in the later times. Such backward looking explanations are problematic.

    There is a wide variety of terracotta female figurines that have been found at different sites right from the pre-Harappan times. Women figures are found suckling a baby, holding utensils, kneading dough, nursing infants, carrying objects like drums, seated figures for board games, with steatopygia (fat deposition on the hips and elsewhere), with floral head-dresses and in many other forms.

    Even figurines of pregnant women are quite common. However, most of these have been uncritically associated with fertility, religiosity and reproductive ideas, and have been passed off as representations of the Mother Goddesses. While some of them were votive objects, others are held to be toys or other utilities. The focus on female form has been so stereotypical that women have been seen as associated only with home, hearth, fertility, sexuality and divinity. So much so that sometimes even male figurines in assumed womanly roles were classified as female figurines.

    POSITION OF WOMEN IN EARLY INDIA

    The first literary tradition in the Indian subcontinent (and the oldest in the world) is that of the Vedic corpus. From the four Samhitas to the Upanishads, we find many interesting references to women in various roles. Some of these women have left their mark on the cultural heritage to this day and are remembered in various ritual and social contexts. Their names, stories, some highly revered hymns, and other interesting facets are mentioned in the Vedic corpus.

    The Vedic literature has been classified as Early Vedic and Later Vedic. The Rigvedic society and polity seems to be teeming with life and agro-pastoral economy was enmeshed in close kinship ties. Women as well as men participated in society, economy and polity. Some of the most revered hymns including the gayatri mantra are ascribed to women.

    Various natural phenomena are depicted as Goddesses and they are offered prayers. While quantitative analysis highlights the predominance of Indra, Agni, Varuna and other male gods, the power and stature of the goddesses is equally well established.

    Women participated in all three Vedic socio-political assemblies viz. Sabha, Samiti and Vidhata. They had access to education and were even engaged in knowledge creation. They could choose to be brahmavadinis with or without matrimony.

    Hence, there is no reason to believe that they were only confined to home and hearth. T. S. Rukmani attempts to understand if women had agency in early India. Her work has highlighted many interesting details. The author acknowledges the fact that though the patriarchal set up put women at a loss, there were instances where women found space to exercise their agency.

    She points out that though the texts like the Kalpasutras (Srautasutras, Dharmasutras and Grhasutras) revolved around the ideology of Dharma and there was not much space to express alternative ideas, still these works also find some leeway to express ideas reflecting changed conditions.

    For example, there is a statement in the Apastamba Dharmasutra that one should follow what women say in the funeral samskaras. Stephanie Jamison believes that in hospitality and exchange relations, women played an important role. She says that the approval of the wife was important in the successful completion of the soma sacrifice. In another study it has been shown that women enjoyed agency in deciding what was given in a sacrifice, bhiksha to a sanyasin. The men had no authority in telling her what to do in these circumstances.

    Vedic society was the one which valued marriage immensely. In such contexts, Gender Perspectives if a woman chose not to marry, then it would point to her exercising choice in her decision to go against the grain and remain unmarried.

    Mention may be made of Gargi. She was a composer of hymns and has been called a brahmavadini. This term applies to a woman who was a composer of hymns and chose to remain unmarried, devoting herself to the pursuit of learning.

    Similarly, in the case of Maitreyi, she consciously opts to be educated in the Upanishadic lore and Yajnavalkya does not dissuade her from exercising her choice.

    The statement in the Rigveda that learned daughters should marry learned bridegrooms indicates that women had a say in marriage. Though male offspring is desired, there is a mantra in the Rigveda, recitation of which ensures the birth of a learned daughter.

    Altekar refers to the yajnas like seethayagna, rudrayajna etc. that were to be performed exclusively by women. Some of the women were known for their exceptional calibre, for example, from the Rigveda Samhita we find mention of women like Apala, Ghosha, Lopamudra, Gargi, Maitreyi, Shachi, Vishwavara Atri, Sulabha and others.

    Women have not only been praised as independent individuals but also with reference to their contributions towards their natal or marital families.

    The Later Vedic literature shows the progression towards a State society with a change in the organization of the society and polity. The chief comes to be referred to as bhupati instead of gopati. However, within the twelve important positions (ratnis) mentioned, the chief queen retains a special position under the title mahisi.

    The importance of the chief queen continued as gleaned from several references to them in the Epics, Arthashastra and even in coins and epigraphs from early historical times.

    The other Samhitas also refer to women sages such as Rishikas. The wife is referred to as sahadharmini. Brahmanas or the texts dealing with the performance of the yajna (Vedic ritual), requires a man to be accompanied by his wife to be able to carry out rituals.

    For example, Aitareya Brahmana looks upon the wife as essential to spiritual wholesomeness of the husband. However, there is a mention of some problematic institutions as well.

    Uma Chakravarti has pointed towards the condition of Vedic Dasis (female servant/slave) who are referred to in numerous instances. They were the objects of dana (donation/gift) and dakshina (fee).

    It is generally believed that from the post Vedic period the condition of the women steadily deteriorated. However, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi and subsequent grammatical literature speak highly of women acharyas and Upadhyayas.

    Thus, the memory and practice of a brahmavadini continued even after the Vedic period. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and even the Puranas keep the memory of brhamavadini alive.

    Mention may be made of Anasuya, Kunti, Damyanti, Draupadi, Gandhari, Rukmini who continued to fire the imagination of the poets. Texts show that the daughter of Kuni-garga refused marriage because she did not find anyone worthy of her.

    The Epics also mention women whose opinions were sought in major events. For example, after the thirteen years of exile, while debating upon the future course of action regarding the restoration of their share, the Pandavas along with Krshna asks Draupadi for her views. Similarly, when Krishna goes to the Kaurava’s court to plead the case of Pandavas, Gandhari is called upon to persuade her sons to listen to reason.

    Since a woman taking sanyasa was an act of transgression, one can explore women’s agency through such instances. In the Ramayana, Sabari, who was the disciple of Sage Matanga, and whose hermitage was on the banks of river Pampa was one such sanyasin.

    Such women find mention in Smriti literature and Arthashashtra. Kautilya’s prohibition against initiating women into Sanyasa can make sense only if women were being initiated into sanyasa. He advises the king to employ female parivrajakas as spies.

    Megasthenes mentions women who accompanied their husbands to the forest, probably referring to the Vanaprastha stage. Another category of literature called Shastras that comprises of sutras (aphorisms) and the smriti texts (‘that which is remembered’) becomes important in the postVedic period.

    These textual traditions cover many subjects relating to the four kinds of pursuits of life referred to as purusharthas (namely dharma, karma, kama and moksha). In all these texts we find very liberal values and freedom for both women and men.

    The setting up of a household is seen as an ideal for men as well as women (though asceticism for learning is equally praised for both). For example, Apastambha Sutra opines that rituals carried out by an unmarried man do not please the devatas (divinities). Similarly, Manusmriti provides that ‘for three years shall a girl wait after the onset of her puberty; after that time, she may find for herself a husband of equal status. If a woman who has not been given in marriage finds a husband on her own, she does not incur any sin, and neither does the man she finds’

    Thus, we see that women enjoyed choice in matters of matrimony. It is interesting to note that unmarried daughters were to be provided for by the father. In fact, daughter is stated to be the object of utmost affection. Should a girl lose her parents, her economic interests were well looked after. It was provided that from their shares, ‘the brothers shall give individually to the unmarried girls, one-quarter from the share of each. Those unwilling to give will become outcastes’

    With regards to defining contemporary attitude towards women, Apastambha Sutra prescribed that ‘All must make a way for a woman when she is treading a path.’ Later Dharmashastra also makes similar statements.

    Yagnavalkyasmriti mentions that ‘women are the embodiment of all divine virtues on earth.’ However, there are several provisions that look problematic.

    On one hand, we have reverence assigned to the feminine (divine and worldly) and important roles being played by them, on the other hand we have questionable provisions and descriptions like right to chastise them through beating or discarding.

    The post-Vedic phase from 6th century BCE onwards is also rich in literary traditions with ample depictions of women. Interestingly, we have an entire body of literature that is ascribed totally to women who became Buddhist nuns. These are referred to as Therigathas i.e. the Songs of the Elder Bhikkhunis (Buddhist Women who joined the Sangha).

    The Arthashastra Gender Perspectives gives us information on women who were engaged in economic activities of various kinds. They formed a part of both the skilled and the unskilled workforce. They were into professional as well as non-professional employment.

    Some of their vocations were related to their gender, while the others were not. There were female state employees as well as independent working women. Similarly, some of them were engaged in activities which though not dependent on their biological constitution are nonetheless categorized as women’s domain, e.g. domestic services etc. Some of them were actual state employees, while some others were in contractual relations with the State. For example, we have female bodyguards and spies in the State employment.

    Jaiswal suggests that these women perhaps came from Bhila or Kirata tribe. Female spies were not only to gather information and relay it to proper source, but also to carry out assassinations. However, a closer look at the text shows that there were different classes of female spies engaged for different purposes. Amongst others ‘women skilled in arts were to be employed as spies living inside their houses’. Others were required to work as assassins. Some were to the play the roles of young and beautiful widows to tempt the lust of greedy enemy.

    We also have various Buddhist and Jaina traditions giving us some glimpses of the ideas and institutions of the times. Apart from the orthodox (Vedic and Brahmanic) and heterodox normative tradition we have many popular texts like the Epics in Sanskrit and Jatakas in Pali.

    Even Prakrit language has many interesting narratives and poetic texts. The Therigatha by the Buddhist nuns are an interesting literary source that provides us with a glimpse of various women who attained arhantship or similar other stages of Realisation.

    The deliberation on the age and deterioration of the body by Ambapali, the non-importance of sensual or bodily pleasures by Nanda, Vimla and Shubha etc points towards the intellectual and spiritual engagements and attainments of women.

    It is interesting to note that an absolutely contrary picture is presented by the Jatakas wherein more often than not, women are depicted as evil. It is important to note that women were given an evil aura mostly in their roles as wives or beloveds.

    Both the texts and the archaeological remains have been studied by various scholars and opposing interpretations are not rare. For example, on one side Sita (from Ramayana) and Draupadi (from Mahabharata) have been seen as victims of the patriarchal order; on the other hand, they are also represented as selfwilled women.

    Draupadi after the game of dice presents herself as a forceful and articulate woman. It’s her wit that saves her husbands from becoming slaves of the Kauravas. Her incensed outrage at the attack on her modesty, her bitter lamentations to Krishna, her furious tirade against Yudhishthira for his seeming inability to defend her honour and many more such instances show her to be an aggressive woman. This persona is juxtaposed to her representations as an ideal wife elsewhere. However, Draupadi is never idealised as a perfect wife who endures the most severe trials without complaint. This honour is reserved for Sita in the Ramayana. She is also presented as a victim like Draupadi and voices her concern at her fate openly. However, her aggression is directed inwards as indicated by her action against the self which culminate in her union with the mother Earth.

    Are the limited number of hymns ascribed to the Vedic women a signifier of their general status? Are the goddesses merely representational with no connection to the ideas and behaviour towards women? Did only princesses choose their spouses? Are the warrior women an exception? Such searching questions need to be addressed with due diligence.

    While women studies are a good development there is a need to expand the horizons to include other varieties of human existence. We have narratives of fluid sexuality in various texts. The one year of Arjuna’s life spent as Brihallana and rebirth of Amba as Shikhandi are some interesting instances. The artefacts found at the site of Sheri Khan Tarakai include visibly hermaphroditic figurines. There is a need to understand the notions of the feminine, masculine, neuter, and other forms of gender and sexual identities. These will have ramifications for understanding the ideas of conjugality, family, community, society and even polity and spirituality.

    CONCLUSION

    Human civilisations were built by men as well as women, however, history writing has a huge male-bias. Women were confined to questions of status and position that were largely evaluated in terms of their roles in the domestic sphere.

    Their treatment as wives and widows became a central focus of most research alongside their place in ritual or religious context. This made them peripheral to mainstream history. This was questioned by various scholars from time to time and led to the development of gendered understanding of history. Focusing attention on women’s history helps to rectify the method which sees women as a monolithic homogeneous category. Writing gender history has helped in building an image of the past that is wholesome and nuanced.