HISTORY – PAPER II

Odisha Civil Services Mains 2024

Time: 3 Hours
|Full Marks: 250

GROUP A

10 × 15 MARKS

Instructions: Attempt 10 (ten) questions. Word limit: 250 words.
  1. Assess the relevance of Dependency Theory in explaining long-term development constraints in Latin America.
  2. Analyze the socio-economic consequences of the British takeover of Odisha. How were land revenue systems, trade patterns and agrarian relations transformed?
  3. Critically examine the ideological and methodological differences between the Moderates and Extremists within the Congress.
  4. What were the key features of New Imperialism (1870-1914) and how did it differ from earlier colonial expansion?
  5. Analyze the Orientalist-Anglicist controversy. How did the debate shape colonial educational policy and the cultural trajectory of modern India?
  6. Critically evaluate the ‘safety-valve’ theory associated with the formation of the Indian National Congress. Did this interpretation undermine the genuine political aspirations of early nationalists?
  7. How did the Acts of 1773 and 1784 reshape the administrative and economic control of the East India Company?
  8. Examine the causes, course and political impact of the Royal Indian Navy (RIN) Mutiny of 1946. Why did this event alarm the British more than earlier uprisings?
  9. Examine the socio-economic, political and intellectual causes of the French Revolution of 1789. In what ways did it challenge the ancient regime?
  10. Was constitutional politics a realistic path toward political reform, or did it inadvertently strengthen colonial authority? Provide a critical analysis.
  11. Critically examine the Government of India Act of 1935. How far did it represent a genuine step towards provincial autonomy and federalism?
  12. Analyze the philosophical foundations of Enlightenment thought with reference to reason, liberty and human progress.

GROUP B

05 × 20 MARKS

Instructions: Attempt 05 (five) questions. Word limit: 300 words.
  1. Examine the social composition, strategies and achievements of the States’ People’s Movements. How did they shape the politics of integration after independence?
  2. Discuss the political and economic conditions in post-World War II Europe that led to the formation of NATO and early steps toward European unity.
  3. Analyze the immediate social, economic and political consequences of the Partition of 1947. How did it shape the early trajectory of the Indian nation-State?
  4. Analyze the Kandha rebellions under Dora Bisoyi and Chakra Bisoyi in the context of tribal resistance to colonial rule.
  5. Discuss the role of Jai Rajguru and the Paikas in the Khurda Rebellion. How did their grievances reflect deeper structural tensions under early colonial rule?
  6. Discuss the growth of modern industries in India during the inter-war period. Why did Indian industrialists demand protection and how did the colonial State respond?

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  • Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,

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    Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.

    This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.

    It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.

    The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.

    Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.

    India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.

    More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.

    An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.

    India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.

    Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.

    And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.

    A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.

    We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.

    We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.

    In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.