From Curzon to the Northeast: How Colonial Borders Still Shape India
In 1907, two years after retiring as Viceroy of India, George Nathaniel Curzon delivered the prestigious Romanes Lecture at Oxford. His chosen theme was Frontiers.
Curzon argued that the idea of rigid, well-guarded national borders was essentially a European invention. Outside Europe, he said, boundaries were far more fluid — they shifted with the power of rulers and faded into neighbouring domains without sharp lines.
That observation rings true when we look at India today. Almost every modern border of India is a colonial legacy, drawn not by local rulers but by the British Empire.
Colonial Lines That Still Define India
Consider a few examples:
- Radcliffe Line (1947): Divided India and Pakistan.
- McMahon Line (1914): Still contested with China.
- Durand Line (1893): Partition-era boundary with Afghanistan.
Even earlier, the British were busy carving boundaries:
- Treaty of Sugauli (1816): India–Nepal border.
- Pemberton-Johnstone-Maxwell Line (1834): Manipur–Burma boundary.
So when we talk of “India’s borders,” we are, in fact, talking about British-drawn maps.
Natural vs Artificial Boundaries
Curzon also distinguished between two types of borders:
- Natural boundaries — rivers, seas, deserts.
- Artificial boundaries — lines drawn by conquest or treaties (most modern borders).
But today, even the idea of “natural” boundaries is fading. Just think of the endless disputes over maritime zones.
The British Playbook: Suzerainty & Protectorates
The British didn’t always annex territories outright. Instead, they invented the concept of suzerainty — keeping princely states formally independent but tightly controlled.
Protectorate states like Tibet became buffers against rival European powers such as Russia in Central Asia and France in Indochina. Curzon proudly described this as a three-layered buffer system. For Britain, it was strategy; but for the region, it was the start of future border disputes.
The Forgotten Populations of the Northeast
One of colonialism’s biggest blind spots was its treatment of what scholar James C. Scott calls “non-state-bearing populations.”
These were small tribal communities in upland Southeast Asia (including much of today’s Northeast India). Living off shifting cultivation and hunting, their loyalties were to clans and villages, not to states. The British annexed Assam in 1826 but left the surrounding “wild hills” largely unadministered, except for occasional punitive expeditions.
To formalise this divide, the Inner Line Regulation of 1873 drew a line separating the taxable plains from the untaxed hills. Over time, these became known as Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas — an administrative model later exported to Burma and Manipur.
Post-Colonial Fallout: Insurgencies & Borders
Fast forward to modern India: many of these tribal populations, once outside the state system, now find themselves divided across hard national borders. Unsurprisingly, this has fueled insurgencies and ethnic conflicts in the Northeast for decades.
The current protests against fencing the India–Myanmar border and scrapping the Free Movement Regime (FMR) are part of this story. Communities divided by colonial lines are resisting today’s hardened borders.
Enter the Westphalian State
Why can’t we just go back to open borders? The answer lies in Europe’s own bloody history.
The Treaties of Westphalia (1648) ended centuries of wars by agreeing that:
- National boundaries define sovereignty.
- Citizenship is based on domicile, not ethnicity or faith.
- States run on taxation and provide services in return.
This model spread worldwide, including to India. And in today’s global system, hard borders are unavoidable.
The Northeast Dilemma
Here lies the contradiction: many Northeast states depend heavily on central transfers rather than their own tax revenue. This weakens the basic tax–citizen relationship that underpins the Westphalian model. Add ethnic loyalties and cross-border ties, and you get today’s tensions.
Still, acknowledging the reality of modern nation-states is crucial. A secular state — where ethnicity and religion are private matters — is not just an ethical position, but a practical survival strategy for diverse societies like India.
The Road Ahead
India may have little choice but to fence parts of its borders, especially with the crisis in Myanmar and China’s growing influence. But fences need not mean walls. Borders can be permeable yet accountable, allowing communities to maintain ties without undermining sovereignty.
Curzon’s century-old reflections remind us that the lines we take for granted were once unknown. Colonial maps have become our modern reality — and navigating that legacy remains one of India’s toughest challenges.
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Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.