The Supreme Court’s recent order to the Karnataka government to release 15,000 cusecs of Cauvery river water to Tamil Nadu, which was later revised to 12,000 cusecs following violent protests in Bengaluru, underscores the gravity of the challenge of water crises faced by the nation.
The social unrest is merely symptomatic. Its roots, and perhaps even a relatively better solution than historically implemented ones, lie at the fundamentals of economics.
There’s no doubt that given its value to the humankind, water is a fundamental human right. But like any other resource, it’s also scarce. There’s only so much water available to feed the needs and requirements of everyone on earth. If equitable distribution of water were pragmatically possible, water wars would never have occurred – at least not to such magnitude. But the issue is complex and solutions must therefore account for this complexity.
It’s also evident by now that India’s historically attempted solutions to water crises have been nowhere proximate to eliminating the crux of the problem. On the contrary, the crisis seems to be exacerbating every year. This behooves us to at least begin discussing the truly audacious questions about ownership. Clarity about ownership shall inevitably lead to clarity about its sharing.
India derives its water laws from the English common law, which bases ownership according to the riparian system of water rights. In simple terms, this system allocates water according to land ownership adjacent to the water body. Evidently, those living in the interior, landlocked regions have weaker, more subordinate property rights under this system.
The alternative to riparian system is the legal doctrine of prior appropriation, which was adopted in most of the western states of North America owing to their aridity and acute water scarcity.
Prior appropriation accords water rights to the person who first takes water for “beneficial use”, regardless of whether he owns the land. Property rights are strongly defined under this system, which makes water allocation as well as sharing simpler.
In India, the issue of water sharing was first dealt with, extensively but insufficiently, by the Indus Commission’s report in 1942. The commission was appointed to investigate the complaint of the government of Sind over its right to the waters of river Indus and its consequent disputes with Punjab.
Its report was the first authoritative examination of the issues surrounding the rights relating to inter-state water bodies, and discussed the water law as it applied in three cases: between individual riparian owners; between a provincial government and its inhabitants; and between two provinces.
With regards to water rights between two provinces, the commission held what it called the principle of “equitable apportionment” or the distribution of waters according to each state’s fair share of an inter-state river.
This was categorically different from both riparian as well as appropriation doctrine. The only problem was the question of what exactly was a state’s “fair share” was left on the circumstances of each case. This left the door open for discretion and arbitrariness, the ramifications of which are reflected in the today’s Cauvery water sharing issue.
Subsequently, the Narmada Disputes Water Tribunal in 1978 and later Ravi and Beas Waters Tribunal in 1987 followed the same principle – the latter tribunal to solve the dispute arising from Punjab’s contention that neither Haryana nor Rajasthan had any claims to the waters of Beas and Ravi.
These tribunals, as also the Indus Commission, however, not only failed to address the issue of property rights with regard to water but also expressly dismissed the prior appropriation doctrine that paves the way for those rights.
Interestingly, an April 2016 paper titled ‘Economic Analysis of Property Rights: First Possession of Water in the American West’, published by the National Bureau of Economic Research, throws light on the favorable effects of prior appropriation doctrine of water rights on economic growth.
The authors Bryan Leonard and Gary Libecap studied 7,800 rights in Colorado, United States, established between 1852 and 2013, and found that this doctrine led to large scale investments in irrigation as it granted the right to divert water to lands distant from a stream.
Investments in turn led to long-run increases in income per acre in agriculture. This, Leonard and Libecap write, “does not incorporate multiplier effects from higher agricultural incomes that might have doubled the economic impact in each state.”
The bottom line being that property rights are critical to the solution of any disputes relating to the distribution of scarce resources such as water. These rights need to be defined properly, following which they also need to be strongly protected. The water wars pertaining to the Cauvery river would have been prevented had India adopted the prior appropriation doctrine that guarantees those rights.
Interestingly, the farmers of Tamil Nadu had an upper hand in the 1894 and 1924 water sharing agreement negotiations partly because the Chola kings had built dams and reservoirs as far back as the 10th century.
The rulers of Karnataka built their first reservoir only in 1934. This is the classic prior appropriation doctrine at work, albeit subtly.
It may be radical, even primitive, for India at this stage of economic and social evolution to consider shifting to prior appropriation doctrine given the numerous political and social exigencies. But then an alternative, better, long term and sustainable solution is far from sight!
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Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.