Technology & Policy ·

Banning Isn’t the Answer. But What Is? The Case for Holding Platforms Accountable for What They Build

India’s state governments — from Karnataka to Punjab — are reaching for social media bans to protect children. The impulse is understandable. The solution is insufficient. The real conversation needs to be about platform design, not platform prohibition.

Something significant is happening in India’s state assemblies and it is worth paying attention to. Over the past several months, governments of widely different political persuasions — Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Punjab — have all begun moving in the same direction on the same issue: the damage that social media platforms are doing to children.

When politicians from different parties, in different regions, start saying the same thing, it usually means one of two things: either a moral panic is in the air, or a genuine problem has crossed a threshold that can no longer be ignored. In this case, the evidence suggests the latter.

This year’s Economic Survey framed social media addiction as a health challenge, identifying compulsive use among young Indians as a driver of anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, sleep disturbances, reduced concentration, and poorer academic performance. These are not anecdotes. They are documented public health outcomes.

The question, though, is whether the tools being reached for — bans, restrictions, age limits — are actually capable of solving what they are being aimed at. And the honest answer is: probably not on their own. Banning technology is not the solution. But the status quo — in which platforms set their own rules, design their own products, and absorb the consequences of both — also cannot continue.

What Children Are Actually Being Exposed To

The harms are not hypothetical. Children on social media platforms encounter a consistent mix of damaging content and damaging dynamics:

  • Sexualised material surfaced by recommendation algorithms that young users did not search for
  • Influencer-driven content promoting unrealistic body standards, lifestyle expectations, and aspirational consumption
  • Manipulative trends that spread virally through youth-heavy spaces
  • Cyberbullying and pile-on dynamics that are often algorithmically amplified rather than dampened
  • Predatory contact from adults who exploit the openness of these platforms
  • Generative AI-enabled harms — synthetic content, deepfakes, and misleading material that is increasingly indistinguishable from real

Platforms have introduced responses — teen accounts, parental controls, content filters — and these have real value. But they have not reversed the trend. The harms have continued to grow even as the tools supposedly addressing them have multiplied. Something structural is wrong, and structural problems require structural responses.

The Real Problem: Design, Not Just Content

For most of the history of online child safety, the focus has been on content: removing harmful posts, blocking dangerous accounts, flagging illegal material. These interventions matter. But they address symptoms. The deeper problem — the one that keeps producing new symptoms faster than they can be removed — is design.

What Is “Engagement-Maximising Design”?

The Business Model That Keeps Children Online Longer Than They Should Be

Social media platforms make money by keeping users on the platform for as long as possible — because more time on platform means more advertising revenue. Their products are therefore deliberately designed to maximise “engagement,” which is a neutral-sounding word for the combination of habits, emotions, and compulsions that make it hard to put the phone down. Infinite scroll prevents natural stopping points. Notification systems create anxiety about what you might be missing. Recommendation algorithms prioritise content that provokes strong emotions — outrage, envy, excitement — because strong emotions drive clicks and shares. For adults, this is a problem of attention and wellbeing. For developing brains in children and teenagers, it is a public health issue. The product was not designed with children’s welfare in mind. It was designed for engagement. The two goals are often in direct conflict.

This means the conversation needs to shift from “what content should be removed?” to “what design choices should not be permitted in the first place?” The distinction matters enormously. Content moderation is reactive — it addresses harm after it has already been created and seen. Design accountability is preventive — it changes the conditions under which harm becomes likely.

What Platforms Should Actually Be Required to Do

The practical changes are not technically difficult. They are commercially inconvenient — which is why platforms have not made them voluntarily, and why waiting for voluntary action has not worked. The following changes to platform design for youth-facing environments should become a baseline expectation, not an optional enhancement:

A Design Accountability Baseline for Youth Platforms

1. Intentional Friction: 

Platforms should make it harder for teens to stay online too long. This includes:

  • Time Limits: Enforcing breaks that can’t be easily ignored.

  • Night Mode: Automatic restrictions late at night when harmful usage peaks.

2. Limits on Virality

Stop content from spreading “at light speed” for under-18s. By slowing down algorithmic boosts and sharing features, platforms can stop dangerous trends before they spiral out of control.

3. Human-First Moderation

AI isn’t enough to catch the nuance of teen interactions. High-risk areas need real people who understand context and can respond quickly to complex safety issues.

4. “Sandbox” Safety Testing

New features (like AI tools or new feed designs) shouldn’t be tested on the public. They must be vetted in controlled, external environments before they are released to millions of kids.

5. Real Community Input

Design shouldn’t happen in a vacuum. Platforms must give a seat at the table to:

  • Parents & Teens

  • Educators & Experts

  • Mental Health Professionals

The Bottom Line: Social media companies should treat youth safety as a deliberate design choice, not an afterthought. This means prioritizing well-being over engagement metrics.

Why India Needs a Dedicated Digital Safety Regulator

The scale of the problem in India is specific and significant. India has one of the largest and youngest online populations in the world. Enforcement of existing platform obligations is uneven. And as different states begin responding to the crisis in different ways — some with bans, some with advisories, some with school policies — the regulatory picture is becoming increasingly fragmented. A child in Karnataka faces different rules than a child in Uttar Pradesh on the same platform.

What is needed is a specialised digital safety regulator — not a general technology oversight body, but one specifically focused on risks to minors. Such a body would have three core functions:

Monitoring — tracking harms systematically, across platforms, with the authority to demand meaningful data disclosures about how content reaches children, how harmful trends spread, and what design features are operating in youth spaces.

Review — independent assessment of high-risk design features before they are deployed at scale in youth-heavy environments.

Enforcement — meaningful consequences when platforms fail to meet safety obligations, not just guidance and voluntary commitments that carry no penalty for non-compliance.

The regulator’s mandate should focus not only on content takedowns — which remain important — but on the broader design conditions that make harm more likely. A platform that removes harmful posts while maintaining the design architecture that spreads them at scale is not solving the problem. It is managing its optics.

The Moment We Are In

The state-level moves toward social media bans are, at their root, an expression of institutional frustration. Governments have watched platforms self-regulate for years, watched the harms grow, watched the tools offered in response prove insufficient, and have now reached for the bluntest instrument available. The ban is not a solution. It is what happens when no one offers a better one.

The moment now is to offer that better one. The technology is not going away, and nor should it — the internet is genuinely valuable to young people, including for learning, connection, creativity, and expression. The goal is not to keep children off platforms. It is to make those platforms safer to be on — through design choices that platforms should have made voluntarily, through regulatory frameworks that require them to make those choices, and through institutional oversight that can tell the difference between safety theatre and safety.

For children in India who are spending an average of five hours a day on their phones — surrounded by content they did not choose, shaped by algorithms optimised for someone else’s revenue — the question is whether the adults responsible for their welfare are going to keep having the same argument about bans while the system that harms them remains unchanged. The answer to that question will define what kind of digital childhood the next generation actually has.


 

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  • The United Nations has shaped so much of global co-operation and regulation that we wouldn’t recognise our world today without the UN’s pervasive role in it. So many small details of our lives – such as postage and copyright laws – are subject to international co-operation nurtured by the UN.

    In its 75th year, however, the UN is in a difficult moment as the world faces climate crisis, a global pandemic, great power competition, trade wars, economic depression and a wider breakdown in international co-operation.

    Flags outside the UN building in Manhattan, New York.

    Still, the UN has faced tough times before – over many decades during the Cold War, the Security Council was crippled by deep tensions between the US and the Soviet Union. The UN is not as sidelined or divided today as it was then. However, as the relationship between China and the US sours, the achievements of global co-operation are being eroded.

    The way in which people speak about the UN often implies a level of coherence and bureaucratic independence that the UN rarely possesses. A failure of the UN is normally better understood as a failure of international co-operation.

    We see this recently in the UN’s inability to deal with crises from the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, to civil conflict in Syria, and the failure of the Security Council to adopt a COVID-19 resolution calling for ceasefires in conflict zones and a co-operative international response to the pandemic.

    The UN administration is not primarily to blame for these failures; rather, the problem is the great powers – in the case of COVID-19, China and the US – refusing to co-operate.

    Where states fail to agree, the UN is powerless to act.

    Marking the 75th anniversary of the official formation of the UN, when 50 founding nations signed the UN Charter on June 26, 1945, we look at some of its key triumphs and resounding failures.


    Five successes

    1. Peacekeeping

    The United Nations was created with the goal of being a collective security organisation. The UN Charter establishes that the use of force is only lawful either in self-defence or if authorised by the UN Security Council. The Security Council’s five permanent members, being China, US, UK, Russia and France, can veto any such resolution.

    The UN’s consistent role in seeking to manage conflict is one of its greatest successes.

    A key component of this role is peacekeeping. The UN under its second secretary-general, the Swedish statesman Dag Hammarskjöld – who was posthumously awarded the Nobel Peace prize after he died in a suspicious plane crash – created the concept of peacekeeping. Hammarskjöld was responding to the 1956 Suez Crisis, in which the US opposed the invasion of Egypt by its allies Israel, France and the UK.

    UN peacekeeping missions involve the use of impartial and armed UN forces, drawn from member states, to stabilise fragile situations. “The essence of peacekeeping is the use of soldiers as a catalyst for peace rather than as the instruments of war,” said then UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, when the forces won the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize following missions in conflict zones in the Middle East, Africa, Asia, Central America and Europe.

    However, peacekeeping also counts among the UN’s major failures.

    2. Law of the Sea

    Negotiated between 1973 and 1982, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) set up the current international law of the seas. It defines states’ rights and creates concepts such as exclusive economic zones, as well as procedures for the settling of disputes, new arrangements for governing deep sea bed mining, and importantly, new provisions for the protection of marine resources and ocean conservation.

    Mostly, countries have abided by the convention. There are various disputes that China has over the East and South China Seas which present a conflict between power and law, in that although UNCLOS creates mechanisms for resolving disputes, a powerful state isn’t necessarily going to submit to those mechanisms.

    Secondly, on the conservation front, although UNCLOS is a huge step forward, it has failed to adequately protect oceans that are outside any state’s control. Ocean ecosystems have been dramatically transformed through overfishing. This is an ecological catastrophe that UNCLOS has slowed, but failed to address comprehensively.

    3. Decolonisation

    The idea of racial equality and of a people’s right to self-determination was discussed in the wake of World War I and rejected. After World War II, however, those principles were endorsed within the UN system, and the Trusteeship Council, which monitored the process of decolonisation, was one of the initial bodies of the UN.

    Although many national independence movements only won liberation through bloody conflicts, the UN has overseen a process of decolonisation that has transformed international politics. In 1945, around one third of the world’s population lived under colonial rule. Today, there are less than 2 million people living in colonies.

    When it comes to the world’s First Nations, however, the UN generally has done little to address their concerns, aside from the non-binding UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007.

    4. Human rights

    The Human Rights Declaration of 1948 for the first time set out fundamental human rights to be universally protected, recognising that the “inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world”.

    Since 1948, 10 human rights treaties have been adopted – including conventions on the rights of children and migrant workers, and against torture and discrimination based on gender and race – each monitored by its own committee of independent experts.

    The language of human rights has created a new framework for thinking about the relationship between the individual, the state and the international system. Although some people would prefer that political movements focus on ‘liberation’ rather than ‘rights’, the idea of human rights has made the individual person a focus of national and international attention.

    5. Free trade

    Depending on your politics, you might view the World Trade Organisation as a huge success, or a huge failure.

    The WTO creates a near-binding system of international trade law with a clear and efficient dispute resolution process.

    The majority Australian consensus is that the WTO is a success because it has been good for Australian famers especially, through its winding back of subsidies and tariffs.

    However, the WTO enabled an era of globalisation which is now politically controversial.

    Recently, the US has sought to disrupt the system. In addition to the trade war with China, the Trump Administration has also refused to appoint tribunal members to the WTO’s Appellate Body, so it has crippled the dispute resolution process. Of course, the Trump Administration is not the first to take issue with China’s trade strategies, which include subsidises for ‘State Owned Enterprises’ and demands that foreign firms transfer intellectual property in exchange for market access.

    The existence of the UN has created a forum where nations can discuss new problems, and climate change is one of them. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was set up in 1988 to assess climate science and provide policymakers with assessments and options. In 1992, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change created a permanent forum for negotiations.

    However, despite an international scientific body in the IPCC, and 165 signatory nations to the climate treaty, global greenhouse gas emissions have continued to increase.

    Under the Paris Agreement, even if every country meets its greenhouse gas emission targets we are still on track for ‘dangerous warming’. Yet, no major country is even on track to meet its targets; while emissions will probably decline this year as a result of COVID-19, atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases will still increase.

    This illustrates a core conundrum of the UN in that it opens the possibility of global cooperation, but is unable to constrain states from pursuing their narrowly conceived self-interests. Deep co-operation remains challenging.

    Five failures of the UN

    1. Peacekeeping

    During the Bosnian War, Dutch peacekeeping forces stationed in the town of Srebrenica, declared a ‘safe area’ by the UN in 1993, failed in 1995 to stop the massacre of more than 8000 Muslim men and boys by Bosnian Serb forces. This is one of the most widely discussed examples of the failures of international peacekeeping operations.

    On the massacre’s 10th anniversary, then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan wrote that the UN had “made serious errors of judgement, rooted in a philosophy of impartiality”, contributing to a mass murder that would “haunt our history forever”.

    If you look at some of the other infamous failures of peacekeeping missions – in places such as Rwanda, Somalia and Angola – ­it is the limited powers given to peacekeeping operations that have resulted in those failures.

    2. The invasion of Iraq

    The invasion of Iraq by the US in 2003, which was unlawful and without Security Council authorisation, reflects the fact that the UN is has very limited capacity to constrain the actions of great powers.

    The Security Council designers created the veto power so that any of the five permanent members could reject a Council resolution, so in that way it is programmed to fail when a great power really wants to do something that the international community generally condemns.

    In the case of the Iraq invasion, the US didn’t veto a resolution, but rather sought authorisation that it did not get. The UN, if you go by the idea of collective security, should have responded by defending Iraq against this unlawful use of force.

    The invasion proved a humanitarian disaster with the loss of more than 400,000 lives, and many believe that it led to the emergence of the terrorist Islamic State.

    3. Refugee crises

    The UN brokered the 1951 Refugee Convention to address the plight of people displaced in Europe due to World War II; years later, the 1967 Protocol removed time and geographical restrictions so that the Convention can now apply universally (although many countries in Asia have refused to sign it, owing in part to its Eurocentric origins).

    Despite these treaties, and the work of the UN High Commission for Refugees, there is somewhere between 30 and 40 million refugees, many of them, such as many Palestinians, living for decades outside their homelands. This is in addition to more than 40 million people displaced within their own countries.

    While for a long time refugee numbers were reducing, in recent years, particularly driven by the Syrian conflict, there have been increases in the number of people being displaced.

    During the COVID-19 crisis, boatloads of Rohingya refugees were turned away by port after port.  This tragedy has echoes of pre-World War II when ships of Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany were refused entry by multiple countries.

    And as a catastrophe of a different kind looms, there is no international framework in place for responding to people who will be displaced by rising seas and other effects of climate change.

    4. Conflicts without end

    Across the world, there is a shopping list of unresolved civil conflicts and disputed territories.

    Palestine and Kashmir are two of the longest-running failures of the UN to resolve disputed lands. More recent, ongoing conflicts include the civil wars in Syria and Yemen.

    The common denominator of unresolved conflicts is either division among the great powers, or a lack of international interest due to the geopolitical stakes not being sufficiently high.  For instance, the inaction during the Rwandan civil war in the 1990s was not due to a division among great powers, but rather a lack of political will to engage.

    In Syria, by contrast, Russia and the US have opposing interests and back opposing sides: Russia backs the government of the Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad, whereas the US does not.

    5. Acting like it’s 1945

    The UN is increasingly out of step with the reality of geopolitics today.

    The permanent members of the Security Council reflect the division of power internationally at the end of World War II. The continuing exclusion of Germany, Japan, and rising powers such as India and Indonesia, reflects the failure to reflect the changing balance of power.

    Also, bodies such as the IMF and the World Bank, which are part of the UN system, continue to be dominated by the West. In response, China has created potential rival institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.

    Western domination of UN institutions undermines their credibility. However, a more fundamental problem is that institutions designed in 1945 are a poor fit with the systemic global challenges – of which climate change is foremost –  that we face today.