Context:- Indian society’s preoccupation with marriage has gripped its government of late. On Independence Day, Prime Minister announced that his government was contemplating raising the minimum age of marriage for girls from 18 to 21 years. Currently, it is 18 for girls and 21 for boys. In order to circumvent the issue of malnutrition among girls, the government has hit upon the solution of raising their age of marriage.
In the 2020 Budget speech the Finance minister said that a task force would be set up to look into the age at which a girl entered motherhood in order to address issues of maternal mortality and nutrition levels. On June 4, the Women and Child Development Ministry constituted a task force under the chairpersonship of Jaya Jaitly.
Child marriage as a menace must be tackled. But it has, at best, a circuitous connection with malnutrition. The primary causes of child marriage in India, experts agree, are illiteracy, ignorance and poverty, coupled with patriarchy, lack of opportunities in education and employment, lack of agency, fear of sexual assault, blind beliefs, the family’s need to save or retain property, issues of marriage-related expenditure and the haste to fulfill a parental responsibility. Besides, data show that while child marriages still take place, they are in gradual decline.
In 2000, 9.5 per cent of boys and 35.7 per cent of girls aged between 15 and 19 were married, according to the United Nations Population Division. In 2001, 300,000 girls under the age of 15 had given birth, some for the second time, according to the Census.
In 2005-06, 45 per cent of girls married before the age of 18 years, according to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS III). In 2009, the corresponding figure rose to 47 per cent. Fifty-six per cent of these girls were in rural areas, according to UNICEF’s “State of the World’s Children 2009” report, which also stated that 52 per cent of girls had their first pregnancy between 15 and 19 years.
More recent data point to a decline in the trend. According to NFHS-4, 2015-16, there has been a decline in child marriage in the last decade to 27 per cent for women, and 20 per cent for men, and an increase in the median age of marriage from 17.2 years to 19 years for women, and from 22.6 to 24.5 years for men.
Given a gradual but sustained increase in age at marriage, the National Coalition Advocating for Adolescent Concerns (NCAAC) questioned the need for increasing the legal age at marriage for girls or declaring underage marriages void. Child marriage was more a consequence of girls dropping out of school rather than the cause, they said.
Using the same data, a list of 42 individuals from organisations such as the Nirantar Trust, Oxfam, the HAQ Centre for Child Rights, Action Aid and Save the Children and Shantha Sinha, former Chairperson of the NCPCR, explained how child marriage had already given way to adolescent marriage in India. They urged the task force to not take the legal route to raise the age of marriage for women and, instead, take measures to strengthen the positive changes that are already under way.
They said: “Child marriage is no longer a significant phenomenon in India—what we now see is late adolescent marriage, and even here the age at marriage has been improving. Prior to the onset of the pandemic, on the ground information has led us to expect further improvements. Should the legal age of marriage be raised to 21 years, no less than 56 per cent of the women (in the 20-24 year age group of NFHS-4) who married below this age—and their families—would be turned into criminals overnight. Moreover, this proportion is as high as 75 per cent amongst the poorest 20 per cent of the population.
Even in a progressive state like Kerala (with excellent health coverage and high levels of education) one third of all women in the 20-24 age group marry below 21 years. Note further that these estimates suffer from what is called the truncation effect: Many women in the age group 18-20 years at the time of the survey and who were unmarried would be marrying before the age of 21 years. In other words, the vast majority of Indian women across the country marry before 21, and would now become criminalisable.”
The Saheli Women’s Resource Centre believes that the government’s push behind delaying the age of marriage for girls might in part stem from the agenda of population control. In a submission to the task force, the centre said: “The push for increasing the age of marriage of women is nothing more than population control by another name. And let us not fool ourselves, the push to control birth rates and population will have a direct impact on Child Sex Ratios, increasing sex selective abortions once again; in the bargain, undoing years of campaign and struggle to get the PC-PNDT Act [Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, 1994] in place, and to get it amended –an Act that is in any case under threat with the latest notification of the central government suspending several of its provisions under the guise of the lockdown.” On April 4, the Department of Health and Family Welfare temporarily suspended some rules under the Act. Sabu George, who petitioned the Supreme Court against the notification, felt it might lead to “rampant sex determination tests”.,.
The Health Ministry feels that raising the age of marriage for girls will give girls more time to complete their education. It will “prepare them physiologically and psychologically to shoulder the responsibility of marriage and children”, the ministry said in its submission to the task force. It added that this had the potential to positively impact the health of the girl’s progeny. It would also empower girls to take informed autonomous decisions regarding their fertility preferences and care during ante-natal, childbirth and post-natal period, felt the ministry.
“This will lead to better chances of joining workforce. Increasing the legal age of marriage will thus give women independence, greater freedom of marital choices and given the positive correlation between educational qualification and lower fertility rates, more reproductive freedom. Further, the access to education resulting from both maternal and child health and a collateral dividend for socio economic upliftment of women at large,” said the ministry.
Views of young people
On July 17, Jaya Jaitly consulted adolescent and youth groups to get their perspectives on the issue. Their views reflect the complexity of the issue at hand. While there is no categorical acceptance or rejection of the proposed change, there is a clear view against any fixation with the age of marriage for girls as a means of empowerment.
Himadri Priya Duwara, 16, from Assam, indicated that increasing the age of marriage would not make a difference until structural inequalities were addressed. She explained that the centrality of marriage was very strong in a girl’s life. She further said that while education for girls from low-income backgrounds was free in Assam until class XII, government schools were not in good condition, This compelled parents to send them to unaffordable private schools and ultimately resulted in girls dropping out. She recommended that incentives should be provided to cover expenses such as books and uniforms. Awareness generation among parents and girls through women’s collectives such as Mahila Samitis and Kishori Samitis would be an important move. Livelihood opportunities through short courses and training in stitching and so on would allow girls to become independent and consequently delay their marriage.
Poorva Prabha Patil, 21, from Maharashtra, the first woman president of the Medical Students Association of India, said that increasing the age of marriage for girls to 21 years would only give rise to further challenges. She said the move would lead to more home deliveries because people would be apprehensive about reporting pregnancies. It would increase cases of criminalisation and harassment, especially for couples who wished to marry partners of their choice. She further flagged the issue of age of sexual consent and the need for sensitisation of society and health workers to the sexual needs of young girls.
Anjali Suryavanshi, 19, from Gujarat and a youth volunteer with Sahaj, said that increasing the age of marriage to 21 years would enable girls to complete their higher education and make it more likely for girls to be employed and financially independent and consequently able to make informed decisions. She, however, emphasised the importance of free and consensual marriage. She explained that among the factors contributing to child marriage was the fear of parents that adolescent daughters might get into sexual relationships. Other factors were poverty and lack of resources to invest in the education of daughters. She said there was a need to address these issues.
Venkata Nandini, 18, from Madanapalle, Andhra Pradesh, is a youth volunteer for the People’s Organization for Rural Development. She said that increasing the age of marriage might help girls to complete their education, get job opportunities and be physically and mentally healthier. She said that these factors could provide cushion support in times of unforeseen situations like divorces. She emphasised that legal reforms might not be sufficient and said that structural support in terms of schools and colleges and assured access to them was important. Further, parents and children should be counselled on the importance of girls’ education, skill training, health and employment opportunities. She emphasised the need to strengthen the Child Marriage Prohibition Officer’s post for better implementation of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act (PCMA).
Beauty Kumari Paswan, 20, from Bihar felt that as the Constitution provided equal rights to girls and boys, the principle of equality should be extended to marriage as well. She felt that increasing the age of marriage would enable girls to finish their education, get exposed to new ideas, have occupational aspirations, and ultimately push back child-bearing age. However, she expressed concern about the possibility of couples who are in consensual relationships being exposed to harassment by the police following this reform. She also emphasised the importance of making accessible sexual and reproductive health knowledge and services among young girls. Youth medical centres have opened, but these services are not extended to unmarried couples because of biases among nurses stationed there. There is a need for massive awareness campaigns against child marriage and on sexual and reproductive health among adolescents, similar to the awareness drives on family planning. Thus, increasing the age of marriage would not be relevant if it is not supplemented by these efforts, she said.
There are fears of misuse of the PCMA. Analysing 83 High Court and District Court judgments and orders from 2008-2017, in which the PCMA was either invoked or discussed, Partners for Law in Development (PLD) tried to determine who used the law the most and why. The finding was that the parties involved in such litigation were predominantly drawn from poor, peri-rural and working-class backgrounds with little or no means to secure quality education, white-collar jobs, or professional careers.
The PLD found that an unintended effect of the law was to reinforce parental control over daughters’ lives and marriage choices and punish independently chosen husbands rather than prosecute arranged customary marriages. “Any deliberation on amending the PCMA must be informed by the data on how the law is used, and its impact on young people whose interests the law seeks to protect. This data indicates that law is predominantly used to retaliate against elopements or self-arranged marriages, which incarcerates boys and forces girls into shelter homes, even in cases that end in acquittal. Any law reform undertaken in relation to the PCMA must seek to strengthen the life chances of girls most vulnerable to early marriage, through linkages with government schemes that offer educational and vocational opportunities; and in the event of marriage, must invest girls with support services and decision making in relation to opting in or repudiating the marriage,” the PLD said.
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- India’s telecom market has seen monopoly as well as hyper-competition.
- Twenty-five years ago, the government alone could provide services.
- Ten years later, there were nearly a dozen competing operators.
- Most service areas now have four players.
- The erstwhile monopolies, BSNL and MTNL, are now bit players and often ignored.
- India is ranked second globally—after China—in the number of people connected to the internet. However, it is also first in the number of people unconnected.
- Over 50% of Indians are not connected to the internet, despite giant strides in network reach and capacity.
- India’s per capita or device data usage is low. It has an impressive 4G mobile network. However, its fixed network—wireline or optical fibre—is sparse and often poor.
- 5G deployment has yet to start and will be expensive.
Context
Sunil Mittal, the chairman of Bharti Airtel, said recently that it would be “tragic” if India’s telecom-access market was to be reduced to only two competing operators. He was probably referring to the possible exit of the financially-stressed Vodafone Idea and the increasing irrelevance of government-owned operators, BSNL and MTNL. This would essentially leave the market to Reliance Jio and Airtel. A looming duopoly, or the exit of a global telecommunications major, are both worrying. They deserve a careful and creative response.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Thus Far
The reduced competition is worrying. Competition has delivered relatively low prices, advanced technologies, and an acceptable quality of services. These gains are now at risk. There is a long way to go in expanding access as well as network capacity.
The Indian Telecom Irony
Vodafone Tragedy
Filling the gaps in infrastructure and access will require large investments and competition. The exit of Vodafone Idea will hurt both objectives. The company faces an existential crisis since it was hit hardest by the Supreme Court judgment on the AGR issue in 2019, with an estimated liability of Rs 58,000 crore.
The closure of Vodafone Idea is an arguably greater concern than the fading role of BSNL and MTNL. The government companies are yet to deploy 4G and have become progressively less competitive. Vodafone Idea, on the other hand, still accounts for about a quarter of subscriptions and revenues and can boast of a quality network.
It has been adjudged the fastest, for three consecutive quarters, by Ookla, a web-service that monitors internet metrics. India can ill-afford to waste such network capacity. The company’s liabilities will deter any potential buyer.
Vodafone+MTNL+BSNL ?
A possible way out could be to combine the resources of the MTNL and BSNL and Vodafone Idea through a strategic partnership. Creative government action can save Vodafone Idea as well as improve the competitiveness of BSNL and MTNL.
It could help secure government dues, investment, and jobs. It is worth recalling here that, about 30 years ago, the Australian government’s conditions for the entry of its first private operator, Optus, required the latter to take over the loss-making government satellite company, Aussat. Similar out-of-the-box thinking may well be key to escape the looming collateral damage.
It is not trivial to expand competition in India’s telecom market. Especially since there are no major regulatory barriers to entry anymore. Any new private player will be driven largely by commercial considerations. Global experience suggests that well-entrenched incumbents have massive advantages. New players are daunted by the large investments—and much patience!—needed to set up networks, lure existing customers and sign new ones.
However, regulators and policymakers have other options to expand choice for telecom consumers. Their counterparts in mature regulatory regimes—e.g., in the European Union—have helped develop extensive markets for resale. Recognising the limited influence of smaller players, regulators mandate that the incumbent offer wholesale prices to resellers who then expand choice for end-users.
This has been virtually impossible in India. There is a near absence of noteworthy virtual network operators (VNOs) and other resellers. A key barrier to resale is India’s licence fee regime which requires licence-holders to share a proportion of their revenues with the government. Thus, resale could hurt exchequer revenues unless resellers are subject to identical levies. Understandably, the levies—and consequently additional reporting and compliance—is a disincentive for smaller players. The disincentive flows from levies based on revenues which comes with considerable costs of compliance. It would almost vanish if the levies were replaced by say, a flat fee computed objectively.
The ball is in the court of the regulator and the government. They have options. But will they take decisive action to exercise them? It will be ‘tragic’ if they can’t.
INTRODUCTION
Since most of the early scholars, researchers and historians were men, many aspects of society did not find a place in history books. For example, child-birth, menstruation, women’s work, transgenders, households etc. did not find much mention.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Rather than building a holistic picture of the past, some select aspects such as polity and the different roles of men became the central focus of history writing. Women were confined to one corner of the chapter where a paragraph or two was devoted to the ‘status and position of women’.
Even the details of these paragraphs were hardly different from each other. This made it look like as if history (and thereby society, polity, economy and all culture) belonged to men while women were only a small static unit to be mentioned separately. Of course, there were some exceptions, but these were however rare. This practice is being corrected now and the roles and presence of women are being read into all parts of historical questions.
SOURCES FOR UNDERSTANDING GENDER HISTORY
Sources are the bases of history writing. From simple pre-historic tools to abstruse texts, everything can be utilized to understand life and roles of women in history. The presence as well as the absence of women from sources needs to be duly noticed, deliberated and argued upon and only then to be theorised upon.
Certain objects being directly related to the lives of women or depicting the ideas of the female principle are of central importance. These include but are not limited to female figurines, art objects, texts attributed to or authored or compiled by women, monuments created by or for women, various objects relating to their lifestyle, objects associated with women on account of their cultural roles and so on.
It has been rightly pointed out by Uma Chakravarti that much of the gender history written in early phase was a ‘partial view from above’. This referred to the utilization of select textual sources and focused only on relational identity of women. There were, however, a few exceptions.
GENDER HISTORIOGRAPHY
Amongst the many narratives propagated to denigrate Indian civilization and culture by the British colonial rulers, the condition of Indian women became a point of central reference. Various social evils that made the life of women miserable were pointed out and efforts were also made to introduce ‘reforms.’ Sati, child-marriages, imposed widowhood, polygamy, dowry, educational and economic inequality, purdah (ghoonghat) and many other practices prevailed during the colonial period that made the life of women difficult and pitiable.
Some practices affected women of higher social and economic households while others led to misery for poorer women. Many social reform movements were started in the 19th century to address these issues and contributions were made by Indian reformers as well as British officials and other Europeans.
Women in India came to be treated as a homogeneous category and over generalisation became the norm. While many communities in India practised widow remarriage and did not practise (much less forced) sati and while some practised divorces or separation, the image of the Indian woman who had been subjugated as woman, wife and widow became a dominant theme in history writing.
Secondly, a western vision was placed over the non-western societies and hence interpretations were far removed from the context. For example, notion of stridhan was equated with dowry and little regard was paid to the provisions regarding its use and ownership by women.
The huge social stigma that came along with the selling of jewellery of the household (one of the main components of stridhan) was paid no attention to. Similarly, penal provisions listed by ancient texts for misappropriation of women’s property were not even looked into.
During the Paleolithic age, hunting and gathering was norm. However much importance was given to Hunting than gathering in all literature of history. Studies, however, show that hunted prey formed only 35% of the diet while gathering fruits and other edible material supplied the major portion. Gathering of food resources was ordinarily done by women. Since gathering was an important activity, more than hunting for game, it could point to significant role playing by women.
The gendered understanding of Harappan civilization is being built upon and various archaeological remains have been studied in this respect. The female figurines, idols of pregnant women, the statue of the ‘dancing girl’, various pieces of jewellery and personal belongings that have been discovered at various sites and offer useful insights on the public and private lives of women and men.
The statue of a girl obtained from Mohanjodaro has been called a ‘dancing girl’ on grounds of familiarity with the institution of devadasis in the later times. Such backward looking explanations are problematic.
There is a wide variety of terracotta female figurines that have been found at different sites right from the pre-Harappan times. Women figures are found suckling a baby, holding utensils, kneading dough, nursing infants, carrying objects like drums, seated figures for board games, with steatopygia (fat deposition on the hips and elsewhere), with floral head-dresses and in many other forms.
Even figurines of pregnant women are quite common. However, most of these have been uncritically associated with fertility, religiosity and reproductive ideas, and have been passed off as representations of the Mother Goddesses. While some of them were votive objects, others are held to be toys or other utilities. The focus on female form has been so stereotypical that women have been seen as associated only with home, hearth, fertility, sexuality and divinity. So much so that sometimes even male figurines in assumed womanly roles were classified as female figurines.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN EARLY INDIA
The first literary tradition in the Indian subcontinent (and the oldest in the world) is that of the Vedic corpus. From the four Samhitas to the Upanishads, we find many interesting references to women in various roles. Some of these women have left their mark on the cultural heritage to this day and are remembered in various ritual and social contexts. Their names, stories, some highly revered hymns, and other interesting facets are mentioned in the Vedic corpus.
The Vedic literature has been classified as Early Vedic and Later Vedic. The Rigvedic society and polity seems to be teeming with life and agro-pastoral economy was enmeshed in close kinship ties. Women as well as men participated in society, economy and polity. Some of the most revered hymns including the gayatri mantra are ascribed to women.
Various natural phenomena are depicted as Goddesses and they are offered prayers. While quantitative analysis highlights the predominance of Indra, Agni, Varuna and other male gods, the power and stature of the goddesses is equally well established.
Women participated in all three Vedic socio-political assemblies viz. Sabha, Samiti and Vidhata. They had access to education and were even engaged in knowledge creation. They could choose to be brahmavadinis with or without matrimony.
Hence, there is no reason to believe that they were only confined to home and hearth. T. S. Rukmani attempts to understand if women had agency in early India. Her work has highlighted many interesting details. The author acknowledges the fact that though the patriarchal set up put women at a loss, there were instances where women found space to exercise their agency.
She points out that though the texts like the Kalpasutras (Srautasutras, Dharmasutras and Grhasutras) revolved around the ideology of Dharma and there was not much space to express alternative ideas, still these works also find some leeway to express ideas reflecting changed conditions.
For example, there is a statement in the Apastamba Dharmasutra that one should follow what women say in the funeral samskaras. Stephanie Jamison believes that in hospitality and exchange relations, women played an important role. She says that the approval of the wife was important in the successful completion of the soma sacrifice. In another study it has been shown that women enjoyed agency in deciding what was given in a sacrifice, bhiksha to a sanyasin. The men had no authority in telling her what to do in these circumstances.
Vedic society was the one which valued marriage immensely. In such contexts, Gender Perspectives if a woman chose not to marry, then it would point to her exercising choice in her decision to go against the grain and remain unmarried.
Mention may be made of Gargi. She was a composer of hymns and has been called a brahmavadini. This term applies to a woman who was a composer of hymns and chose to remain unmarried, devoting herself to the pursuit of learning.
Similarly, in the case of Maitreyi, she consciously opts to be educated in the Upanishadic lore and Yajnavalkya does not dissuade her from exercising her choice.
The statement in the Rigveda that learned daughters should marry learned bridegrooms indicates that women had a say in marriage. Though male offspring is desired, there is a mantra in the Rigveda, recitation of which ensures the birth of a learned daughter.
Altekar refers to the yajnas like seethayagna, rudrayajna etc. that were to be performed exclusively by women. Some of the women were known for their exceptional calibre, for example, from the Rigveda Samhita we find mention of women like Apala, Ghosha, Lopamudra, Gargi, Maitreyi, Shachi, Vishwavara Atri, Sulabha and others.
Women have not only been praised as independent individuals but also with reference to their contributions towards their natal or marital families.
The Later Vedic literature shows the progression towards a State society with a change in the organization of the society and polity. The chief comes to be referred to as bhupati instead of gopati. However, within the twelve important positions (ratnis) mentioned, the chief queen retains a special position under the title mahisi.
The importance of the chief queen continued as gleaned from several references to them in the Epics, Arthashastra and even in coins and epigraphs from early historical times.
The other Samhitas also refer to women sages such as Rishikas. The wife is referred to as sahadharmini. Brahmanas or the texts dealing with the performance of the yajna (Vedic ritual), requires a man to be accompanied by his wife to be able to carry out rituals.
For example, Aitareya Brahmana looks upon the wife as essential to spiritual wholesomeness of the husband. However, there is a mention of some problematic institutions as well.
Uma Chakravarti has pointed towards the condition of Vedic Dasis (female servant/slave) who are referred to in numerous instances. They were the objects of dana (donation/gift) and dakshina (fee).
It is generally believed that from the post Vedic period the condition of the women steadily deteriorated. However, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi and subsequent grammatical literature speak highly of women acharyas and Upadhyayas.
Thus, the memory and practice of a brahmavadini continued even after the Vedic period. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and even the Puranas keep the memory of brhamavadini alive.
Mention may be made of Anasuya, Kunti, Damyanti, Draupadi, Gandhari, Rukmini who continued to fire the imagination of the poets. Texts show that the daughter of Kuni-garga refused marriage because she did not find anyone worthy of her.
The Epics also mention women whose opinions were sought in major events. For example, after the thirteen years of exile, while debating upon the future course of action regarding the restoration of their share, the Pandavas along with Krshna asks Draupadi for her views. Similarly, when Krishna goes to the Kaurava’s court to plead the case of Pandavas, Gandhari is called upon to persuade her sons to listen to reason.
Since a woman taking sanyasa was an act of transgression, one can explore women’s agency through such instances. In the Ramayana, Sabari, who was the disciple of Sage Matanga, and whose hermitage was on the banks of river Pampa was one such sanyasin.
Such women find mention in Smriti literature and Arthashashtra. Kautilya’s prohibition against initiating women into Sanyasa can make sense only if women were being initiated into sanyasa. He advises the king to employ female parivrajakas as spies.
Megasthenes mentions women who accompanied their husbands to the forest, probably referring to the Vanaprastha stage. Another category of literature called Shastras that comprises of sutras (aphorisms) and the smriti texts (‘that which is remembered’) becomes important in the postVedic period.
These textual traditions cover many subjects relating to the four kinds of pursuits of life referred to as purusharthas (namely dharma, karma, kama and moksha). In all these texts we find very liberal values and freedom for both women and men.
The setting up of a household is seen as an ideal for men as well as women (though asceticism for learning is equally praised for both). For example, Apastambha Sutra opines that rituals carried out by an unmarried man do not please the devatas (divinities). Similarly, Manusmriti provides that ‘for three years shall a girl wait after the onset of her puberty; after that time, she may find for herself a husband of equal status. If a woman who has not been given in marriage finds a husband on her own, she does not incur any sin, and neither does the man she finds’
Thus, we see that women enjoyed choice in matters of matrimony. It is interesting to note that unmarried daughters were to be provided for by the father. In fact, daughter is stated to be the object of utmost affection. Should a girl lose her parents, her economic interests were well looked after. It was provided that from their shares, ‘the brothers shall give individually to the unmarried girls, one-quarter from the share of each. Those unwilling to give will become outcastes’
With regards to defining contemporary attitude towards women, Apastambha Sutra prescribed that ‘All must make a way for a woman when she is treading a path.’ Later Dharmashastra also makes similar statements.
Yagnavalkyasmriti mentions that ‘women are the embodiment of all divine virtues on earth.’ However, there are several provisions that look problematic.
On one hand, we have reverence assigned to the feminine (divine and worldly) and important roles being played by them, on the other hand we have questionable provisions and descriptions like right to chastise them through beating or discarding.
The post-Vedic phase from 6th century BCE onwards is also rich in literary traditions with ample depictions of women. Interestingly, we have an entire body of literature that is ascribed totally to women who became Buddhist nuns. These are referred to as Therigathas i.e. the Songs of the Elder Bhikkhunis (Buddhist Women who joined the Sangha).
The Arthashastra Gender Perspectives gives us information on women who were engaged in economic activities of various kinds. They formed a part of both the skilled and the unskilled workforce. They were into professional as well as non-professional employment.
Some of their vocations were related to their gender, while the others were not. There were female state employees as well as independent working women. Similarly, some of them were engaged in activities which though not dependent on their biological constitution are nonetheless categorized as women’s domain, e.g. domestic services etc. Some of them were actual state employees, while some others were in contractual relations with the State. For example, we have female bodyguards and spies in the State employment.
Jaiswal suggests that these women perhaps came from Bhila or Kirata tribe. Female spies were not only to gather information and relay it to proper source, but also to carry out assassinations. However, a closer look at the text shows that there were different classes of female spies engaged for different purposes. Amongst others ‘women skilled in arts were to be employed as spies living inside their houses’. Others were required to work as assassins. Some were to the play the roles of young and beautiful widows to tempt the lust of greedy enemy.
We also have various Buddhist and Jaina traditions giving us some glimpses of the ideas and institutions of the times. Apart from the orthodox (Vedic and Brahmanic) and heterodox normative tradition we have many popular texts like the Epics in Sanskrit and Jatakas in Pali.
Even Prakrit language has many interesting narratives and poetic texts. The Therigatha by the Buddhist nuns are an interesting literary source that provides us with a glimpse of various women who attained arhantship or similar other stages of Realisation.
The deliberation on the age and deterioration of the body by Ambapali, the non-importance of sensual or bodily pleasures by Nanda, Vimla and Shubha etc points towards the intellectual and spiritual engagements and attainments of women.
It is interesting to note that an absolutely contrary picture is presented by the Jatakas wherein more often than not, women are depicted as evil. It is important to note that women were given an evil aura mostly in their roles as wives or beloveds.
Both the texts and the archaeological remains have been studied by various scholars and opposing interpretations are not rare. For example, on one side Sita (from Ramayana) and Draupadi (from Mahabharata) have been seen as victims of the patriarchal order; on the other hand, they are also represented as selfwilled women.
Draupadi after the game of dice presents herself as a forceful and articulate woman. It’s her wit that saves her husbands from becoming slaves of the Kauravas. Her incensed outrage at the attack on her modesty, her bitter lamentations to Krishna, her furious tirade against Yudhishthira for his seeming inability to defend her honour and many more such instances show her to be an aggressive woman. This persona is juxtaposed to her representations as an ideal wife elsewhere. However, Draupadi is never idealised as a perfect wife who endures the most severe trials without complaint. This honour is reserved for Sita in the Ramayana. She is also presented as a victim like Draupadi and voices her concern at her fate openly. However, her aggression is directed inwards as indicated by her action against the self which culminate in her union with the mother Earth.
Are the limited number of hymns ascribed to the Vedic women a signifier of their general status? Are the goddesses merely representational with no connection to the ideas and behaviour towards women? Did only princesses choose their spouses? Are the warrior women an exception? Such searching questions need to be addressed with due diligence.
While women studies are a good development there is a need to expand the horizons to include other varieties of human existence. We have narratives of fluid sexuality in various texts. The one year of Arjuna’s life spent as Brihallana and rebirth of Amba as Shikhandi are some interesting instances. The artefacts found at the site of Sheri Khan Tarakai include visibly hermaphroditic figurines. There is a need to understand the notions of the feminine, masculine, neuter, and other forms of gender and sexual identities. These will have ramifications for understanding the ideas of conjugality, family, community, society and even polity and spirituality.
CONCLUSION
Human civilisations were built by men as well as women, however, history writing has a huge male-bias. Women were confined to questions of status and position that were largely evaluated in terms of their roles in the domestic sphere.
Their treatment as wives and widows became a central focus of most research alongside their place in ritual or religious context. This made them peripheral to mainstream history. This was questioned by various scholars from time to time and led to the development of gendered understanding of history. Focusing attention on women’s history helps to rectify the method which sees women as a monolithic homogeneous category. Writing gender history has helped in building an image of the past that is wholesome and nuanced.