Question Before the Supreme Court:-
Should people have the right to incite violence against the government? This would be an inevitable question in front of the judiciary while it decides on the fate of the law of sedition (Section 124A, IPC).
Four petitions are currently in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the law; the latest was filed by the PUCL on July 16. This question, however, is a flawed statement of the problem and would be detrimental to the debate.
The hearing in the SC on the first petition filed by two journalists — Kishorechandra Wangkhem and Kanhaiya Lal Shukla — was to begin on July 12, which was predictably adjourned as the government sought two more weeks to file a response despite having been issued a notice on April 30.
Kedar Nath Singh (1962) :-
The push-back from the executive to the judicial admission that the interpretation of sedition given in Kedar Nath Singh (1962) requires reconsideration is obvious, as the law has allowed successive governments to suppress political dissidence at will.
The point of attention is this judicial act of “reconsideration” and its possible consequences. If the legal challenge is efficacious, the SC will declare the law unconstitutional but if the court resorts to an alternative and instead reads down the law to a stricter and more limited interpretation of the offence, would that resolve the crisis of free speech that the law of sedition has currently posed in India?
To address this question, one needs to return to the earlier question about the right to incite violence against the government.
Originally defined as the act of inciting disaffection, which included feelings of enmity, hatred, contempt and disloyalty against the government, Section 124A was read down in Kedar Nath. The court ruled that unless an act of disaffection imports the tendency to result in disorder through incitement of violence against the government, the charge of sedition cannot be upheld.
The criticism against Kedar Nath is that it laid down an ambiguous test where the speech is measured on the parameter of its “tendency” to result in public disorder, through incitement of violence against government, without clarifying how the tendency of a speech was to be gauged.
Restricting oneself to a criticism of the existing doctrinal test would mean that while the use of a subjective word like “tendency”, prone to multiple interpretations, is a problem, the interpretation of the offence of sedition as the act of incitement of violence against the government, is not.
Incitement to violence against the government cannot be protected as free speech, it can only be subjected to a clear judicial test to delineate other forms of expression against the government which fall short of incitement to violence.
Sedition in USA:-
The American free speech test laid down in Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969) which calls for expressions to be penalised only where there is incitement to “imminent lawless action” is often cited as the ultimate standard to protect speech and has already been adopted as the threshold for upholding the right to free expression by the Indian Supreme Court in Indra Das (2011) and Shreya Singhal (2015). Subjecting sedition to the Brandenburg standard, hence, would answer the problems emanating from the 1962 test.
What escapes scrutiny in the above line of reasoning is the fact that the understanding of sedition as “incitement to violence against government” was an idea introduced by the court in Kedar Nath. To uphold the constitutionality of section 124A, the court needed to establish a relationship between expressions against the government and their repercussions on public order and security of state.
An Abstract Idea:-
The act of inciting disaffection was reinterpreted as importing the tendency to disorder through incitement of violence against the government. Incitement to violence was an imagined act, an afterthought that connected feelings of disaffection to consequences of public disorder.
Based on this abstract idea, the call for abolition of the offence of sedition is posed against a lacuna in the law which would allow for incitement to violence against government to be covered under protected speech. Consequently, the demand to nullify the law criminalising sedition can be perceived as protecting the right to incite violence against the government.
Counterposing the two weakens the demand for abolishing the law of sedition. To enter the question of the constitutionality of the law of sedition through this abstract idea of inciting violence against the government, creates a false dichotomy between freedom of expression and the right to resistance and debilitates the actual grounds on which the law should be assessed. Sedition was not an offence against public order or security of state. It was deliberately constructed as one to withhold the challenge of constitutionality.
In admitting a petition by General (Retd) Vombatkere on July 14, the Chief Justice of India asked the Attorney General representing the government “if the colonial law is still necessary after 75 years of independence”.
With the law of sedition granting the executive the power to persecute expressions against itself in the name of public order and security of state, the court can no longer raise questions but will have to resort to measures.
Attempts to read down the law or institute procedural mechanisms to forestall its arbitrary enforcement will not take away this power to persecute. Anything short of abolishing the offence of sedition will not help the restitution of the constitutional right to free speech.
Conclusion:-
The Law Commission also released a consultation paper in 2018 that said “In a democracy, singing from the same songbook is not a benchmark of patriotism. People should be at liberty to show their affection towards their country in their own way.” While issuing fresh guidelines and safeguards is one way of quelling the potential for its misuse, it will be more helpful if Section 124A is struck down altogether.
Recent Posts
Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.