Despite being a philosopher and author of international repute in his times, Dr Radhakrishnan is today a largely forgotten icon in his own country.

As the Ukraine agitates, Putin dictates, Obama triangulates and the Europeans equivocate – the magazine National Interest ran an aptly timed essay on the origins and meaning of the 19th century neologism: ‘realpolitik’. An unexpected name shows up in that essay: Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, an idealist philosopher who is now barely remembered in his own country, India, far less in the outside world.
Changes in historiographical methods, emergence of new sub-disciplines (subaltern, post-structuralism, multiculturalism, post-colonial…et al) have reduced the footprint of Radhakrishnan’s influence. If he is remembered, at all, it is as a philosopher of Vedanta and India’s President.
He was a widely sought after speaker-thinker of his era, he had rarely been a moralizing scold. Yet, that is precisely what he came across as in that essay where he chastises Europe for the Great War – which was brought about thanks to a patchwork of self-interest and miscalculations – yet, which he insisted was: “the penalty which Europe pays for its steadfast loyalty to a false ideal”. For paying homage to the false Godhead of realpolitik.
This anathema towards realpolitik, however is not a surprise if one does read him. And that precisely is what is rare now. As Amitabha Bhattacharya wrote on his centenary “Radhakrishnan is often worshipped, some-times criticized and scarcely read these days”. For a man who wrote as prolifically as he did, to much my generation – he is largely an unknown. At best, he is remembered as a President, if luckily as a historian of Indian philosophy.
His own philosophical explorations are known, even less so. His own life story is largely forgotten, despite an excellent and admirable biography written by his son, the late Sarvepalli Gopal. It is a dense 384-page biography called ‘Radhakrishnan’.
More than Radhakrishnan as a great historical figure, what came through the pages was how strikingly calm he seemed through out his life. As if he were a man, who despite frenzied actions, had successfully cultivated a sense of detachment: from the early days of poverty, when he was born into a poor Telugu Brahmin family in Madras Presidency to his regal hours as President of India. Given the improbability of this ascent, even his own birth (he was possibly an illegitimate child from his mother’s relationship with a district official), he lived, convinced (like Churchill) that “over me beat invisible wings.”
The idea of God guiding his life, while still tempering it with reason, was an insuperable principle for him. That said, he doesn’t seem to have had much use for religious rituals or the practice of Hinduism, with which he was often superficially identified with it. Muhammad Ali Jinnah says to him in 1940s, on a train: “You are one of my main enemies. You have made Hinduism respectable.”
During the early years of his life, Radhakrishnan wrote monumental treatises on Indian philosophy that became the primer on the subject: it attracted readers as varied as the playwright GB Shaw to the investment banker Siegmund Warburg. By the end of his life in 1975, Radhakrishnan was probably the most widely read Indian after Gandhi and Nehru. Even as an orator, he seems to have impressed many – with his commitment to the philosophic tradition of Idealism and the more quotidian idealisms of daily life – including those who fought bare-knuckled in political trenches.
He was deemed important to listen to but often harmless as far as political intrigue was concerned. In this sense, he brought respectability to every dinner table and speaking gallery. In 1954, before racial desegregation, at the peaks of the Eisenhower Republican era, he spoke to the US Senate: “No society is static; no law is unchanging; and no constitution is permanent. Given time and patience, radical changes may happen in both in human nature and in systems of society which reflect human nature.”
A young Congressman from Massachusetts sat in the gallery and made notes of the speech. A decade later, he repeated the very same lines to Radhakrishnan, when they met at the White House, by which time the Congressman was known widely as JFK (John F Kennedy)
In this youth, Radhakrishnan looked upon Gandhi as a the light of truth that had come to shine upon India in its darkest hour. In Gandhi’s persona, resonated his own deep Hindu faith in the idea of the Avatara Purusha – the embodiment of the Age’s consecrated hopes. That said, his only real intellectual equal, his friend if one may say so, was Nehru.
As a young man, he seems to have sought out intellectually interesting father-figures/friends – he was great admirer of Tagore, was roommate with CV Raman, cultivated students like the master-philosopher Mysore Hiriyanna,and was friends with diplomat-scholar KM Panikkar. His intellectual hero remained the greatest of all Vedantins, the Jagadguru Adi Sankara. Like Gandhi, Radhakrishnan had little instinctive interest in music or the arts although later in life, he seems to have been fond of ‘My Fair Lady’.
Radhakrishnan was also an successful educator and institution builder: building from grounds up, the Andhra University, fostering the Banaras Hindu University, the Indian International Center (built by Rockefeller Foundation’s grants, no less).
In the newly independent India, Nehru sought to keep Radhakrishnan close for missions that he considered important; and sent him to represent India across the world: including, in the court of that Communist Czar, the much feared Stalin. Yet, strangely, Stalin took a liking to Radhakrishnan, who in turn – take page out of Christ – openly critiqued Communism for its mindless stress on conformism & lack of freedoms, while still not blaming Stalin in person.
True to the spirit of the non-aligned times, he also critiqued America for its racialist policies and warmongering rhetoric against the USSR. He found friends in America who agreed with him, including President Eisenhower, who complained that the extremists have been more vocal (hinting, none so subtly, at Joe McCarthy).
In Moscow, he became the only ambassador who was invited to meet with Stalin, twice. Stalin expressed his desire to meet S. Radhakrishnan with the words: “I would like to meet the ambassador who spends all his time in bed – writing.” Stalin at Radhakrishnan’s farewell in 1952 sought to impress him with these lines: “when a Russian peasant sees a wolf, he knows how to deal with it. Liquidate, Mr. Ambassador.”
In their final meeting, to the horror of the apparatchiks, Radhakrishnan patted Stalin on his cheek and quoted Christ: “what shall it avail a man if he gain the whole world & lose his own soul.” Visibly moved by this, Stalin replies: “I too was in a theological seminary for some time and miracles may happen.” Patting powerful men on the cheek seems to his favorite way of disarming them.
He does the same to Mao, who is amazed that somebody could treat him like a young man. Mao’s mandarins, predictably, panic. He did the same to the Pope too. All this point to a man who was comfortable around power, for in his own way, he esteemed it, but his true respect was far away – in the world of books, ideas and speculations.
Amidst a grueling public life, he continued to write; including monumental translations of the Upanishads, long essays and innumerable letters. Towards the end of Radhakrishnan’s life he had become a go to guy for many a world leader (In the biography is a delightful letter from the Canadian Nobel laureate Prime Minister Lester Pearson who thanks Radhakrishnan for telling him that diplomacy is neither an art nor a science, but merely a dodge!).
Radhakrishnan becomes a voice that argued for religion, that said man is a spiritual being who is beholden to a Supreme power and a (Hegelian) fulfillment of history comes only if Man reconciles with each other and with oneself. In this, there was an effort to bring together the dominant Marxist rhetoric and the Hindu unitarian vision of the world.
This sense of religiosity came from a deep and engaged place; one that was open to progress and improving freedoms, but also saw no reason to abandon the past. The rationalist philosopher-mathematician Bertrand Russell, no slouch nor willing to tolerate metaphysical nonsense, sent Radhakrishnan the first volume of his autobiography before it was out in print, seeking his thoughts.
The only person Radhakrishnan wronged, in his life, was his wife, if indeed ‘wronged’ is the word. She struggled and suffered thanks to his many extra-marital affairs. None of them seem to have been a consequence of his scheming, but that rather women found him attractive and he was, despite a public vocation, a solitudinal figure. Longing takes many forms. The author of this biography (a son writing about his father) has a remarkable paragraph about his mother’s anguish, loneliness and grudging acceptance of what life had to offer her. It was unfair, and one gets the feeling, everyone involved knew it. She couldn’t keep up with him, intellectually and socially; he shone too brightly and freely to see any value of in being tied down in the shades of domesticity. At her death, however, he was heart broken and deeply anguished. How much of that was guilt, how much gratitude towards her is hard to say. Ever the writer, he concludes about her: “a long chapter has come to an end”.
The acme of Radhakrishnan’s public life comes as Vice President and President of India: posts that factions within the ruling Congress Party were reluctant to grant, for Radhakrishnan never joined the mother ship. He had also praised the RSS for their willingness to help a young country in times of calamity, despite being against their contestable ideas. He was close to Gandhi, and then Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the founder of the Jana Sangh. None of this went down well with Nehru, who sought to enroll him in his “camp”.
Despite these minor kerfuffles, after an honorable two term as Vice President, serving under the middling tenure of Rajendra Prasad as President -he became the President of India. He becomes the Indian that non-Indians wanted to talk with. Many puffed up their public profiles by seeking audience with him. Radhakrishnan, in turn, was quite at home conversing with Jackie Kennedy and her kids on one hand and Allen Dulles (the boss of the CIA) on the other. He comes across as supremely self-assured man possessed of the kind of knowledge and confidence that comes from having the done the hard work early on in life with books, labor and diligence.
This freespiritedness also came about because he was a man who, despite enjoying the experience of being around people, recognized that life may be a gift and the conduct of life merely theater. His son the biographer writes, despite much warmth that he spread around, he was a private person and few were allowed into his personal space. An invisible line demarcated his interior life, in to which no one was privy to. In this he was like Nehru, and very unlike Gandhi, to whom his life was an open book.
Towards the end of his life, Radhakrishnan is one of the key forces that helps bring Indira Gandhi to power. He hoped to play, somewhat naively, the philosopher in her political grooming. To wit, this seems to be a common ailment amongst philosophers: Plato took it upon himself to ‘educate’ the tyrant Dion of Syracuse, who after early genuflection had little use for him; Martin Heidegger envisioned himself as a greater teacher for the Nazis, but they had nothing but contempt for him in due course.
Radhakrishnan, ironically, never recognizes this pattern in history, or merely concludes he is exempt from such iron laws that govern the relationship between thinkers and rulers. During the course of their life, from these pages, it is hard to say if theirs was a flirtatious relationship. In any case, she played up to his vanity in her early days; but, she was made of sterner stuff and didn’t take too well to his critiquing of her governance. She also wanted to promote Zakir Hussain as President.
As his biographer notes, at his cremation in 1975, people from all walks of life poured in. Only two individuals were conspicuously absent: the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her political appointee President F.A.Ahmed. This paragraph that he wrote in a letter to a friend who had suffered deaths in his family summarizes the equanimity that marks much of his life:
I have had my share of sorrow and suffering in the world but go through life in a spirit of utter surrender. Look at the way in which I travel all alone from China to Mexico. I am protected by the grace of the Divine and the prayers of my friends. When there is nothing more to be done by me on earth, I will pass out, with no grievance but with an utter thanksgiving, for all that life has meant for me in joy and sorrow, in triumph and in defeat.
His last week in life was spent in a state of debilitating silence after a stroke. A man known for his oratory and charm, for his ability to attract men and women had gone silent, his eyes had an emptiness to them. His family was unable to communicate with him. In that week, when he lay in that vegetative state, he was awarded the prestigious Templeton Prize. By then, like much of his, it was the prize that was seeking Radhakrishnan’s validation. It meant little to him by then.
He died on April 17th, 1975.
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- India’s telecom market has seen monopoly as well as hyper-competition.
- Twenty-five years ago, the government alone could provide services.
- Ten years later, there were nearly a dozen competing operators.
- Most service areas now have four players.
- The erstwhile monopolies, BSNL and MTNL, are now bit players and often ignored.
- India is ranked second globally—after China—in the number of people connected to the internet. However, it is also first in the number of people unconnected.
- Over 50% of Indians are not connected to the internet, despite giant strides in network reach and capacity.
- India’s per capita or device data usage is low. It has an impressive 4G mobile network. However, its fixed network—wireline or optical fibre—is sparse and often poor.
- 5G deployment has yet to start and will be expensive.
Context
Sunil Mittal, the chairman of Bharti Airtel, said recently that it would be “tragic” if India’s telecom-access market was to be reduced to only two competing operators. He was probably referring to the possible exit of the financially-stressed Vodafone Idea and the increasing irrelevance of government-owned operators, BSNL and MTNL. This would essentially leave the market to Reliance Jio and Airtel. A looming duopoly, or the exit of a global telecommunications major, are both worrying. They deserve a careful and creative response.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Thus Far
The reduced competition is worrying. Competition has delivered relatively low prices, advanced technologies, and an acceptable quality of services. These gains are now at risk. There is a long way to go in expanding access as well as network capacity.
The Indian Telecom Irony
Vodafone Tragedy
Filling the gaps in infrastructure and access will require large investments and competition. The exit of Vodafone Idea will hurt both objectives. The company faces an existential crisis since it was hit hardest by the Supreme Court judgment on the AGR issue in 2019, with an estimated liability of Rs 58,000 crore.
The closure of Vodafone Idea is an arguably greater concern than the fading role of BSNL and MTNL. The government companies are yet to deploy 4G and have become progressively less competitive. Vodafone Idea, on the other hand, still accounts for about a quarter of subscriptions and revenues and can boast of a quality network.
It has been adjudged the fastest, for three consecutive quarters, by Ookla, a web-service that monitors internet metrics. India can ill-afford to waste such network capacity. The company’s liabilities will deter any potential buyer.
Vodafone+MTNL+BSNL ?
A possible way out could be to combine the resources of the MTNL and BSNL and Vodafone Idea through a strategic partnership. Creative government action can save Vodafone Idea as well as improve the competitiveness of BSNL and MTNL.
It could help secure government dues, investment, and jobs. It is worth recalling here that, about 30 years ago, the Australian government’s conditions for the entry of its first private operator, Optus, required the latter to take over the loss-making government satellite company, Aussat. Similar out-of-the-box thinking may well be key to escape the looming collateral damage.
It is not trivial to expand competition in India’s telecom market. Especially since there are no major regulatory barriers to entry anymore. Any new private player will be driven largely by commercial considerations. Global experience suggests that well-entrenched incumbents have massive advantages. New players are daunted by the large investments—and much patience!—needed to set up networks, lure existing customers and sign new ones.
However, regulators and policymakers have other options to expand choice for telecom consumers. Their counterparts in mature regulatory regimes—e.g., in the European Union—have helped develop extensive markets for resale. Recognising the limited influence of smaller players, regulators mandate that the incumbent offer wholesale prices to resellers who then expand choice for end-users.
This has been virtually impossible in India. There is a near absence of noteworthy virtual network operators (VNOs) and other resellers. A key barrier to resale is India’s licence fee regime which requires licence-holders to share a proportion of their revenues with the government. Thus, resale could hurt exchequer revenues unless resellers are subject to identical levies. Understandably, the levies—and consequently additional reporting and compliance—is a disincentive for smaller players. The disincentive flows from levies based on revenues which comes with considerable costs of compliance. It would almost vanish if the levies were replaced by say, a flat fee computed objectively.
The ball is in the court of the regulator and the government. They have options. But will they take decisive action to exercise them? It will be ‘tragic’ if they can’t.
INTRODUCTION
Since most of the early scholars, researchers and historians were men, many aspects of society did not find a place in history books. For example, child-birth, menstruation, women’s work, transgenders, households etc. did not find much mention.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Rather than building a holistic picture of the past, some select aspects such as polity and the different roles of men became the central focus of history writing. Women were confined to one corner of the chapter where a paragraph or two was devoted to the ‘status and position of women’.
Even the details of these paragraphs were hardly different from each other. This made it look like as if history (and thereby society, polity, economy and all culture) belonged to men while women were only a small static unit to be mentioned separately. Of course, there were some exceptions, but these were however rare. This practice is being corrected now and the roles and presence of women are being read into all parts of historical questions.
SOURCES FOR UNDERSTANDING GENDER HISTORY
Sources are the bases of history writing. From simple pre-historic tools to abstruse texts, everything can be utilized to understand life and roles of women in history. The presence as well as the absence of women from sources needs to be duly noticed, deliberated and argued upon and only then to be theorised upon.
Certain objects being directly related to the lives of women or depicting the ideas of the female principle are of central importance. These include but are not limited to female figurines, art objects, texts attributed to or authored or compiled by women, monuments created by or for women, various objects relating to their lifestyle, objects associated with women on account of their cultural roles and so on.
It has been rightly pointed out by Uma Chakravarti that much of the gender history written in early phase was a ‘partial view from above’. This referred to the utilization of select textual sources and focused only on relational identity of women. There were, however, a few exceptions.
GENDER HISTORIOGRAPHY
Amongst the many narratives propagated to denigrate Indian civilization and culture by the British colonial rulers, the condition of Indian women became a point of central reference. Various social evils that made the life of women miserable were pointed out and efforts were also made to introduce ‘reforms.’ Sati, child-marriages, imposed widowhood, polygamy, dowry, educational and economic inequality, purdah (ghoonghat) and many other practices prevailed during the colonial period that made the life of women difficult and pitiable.
Some practices affected women of higher social and economic households while others led to misery for poorer women. Many social reform movements were started in the 19th century to address these issues and contributions were made by Indian reformers as well as British officials and other Europeans.
Women in India came to be treated as a homogeneous category and over generalisation became the norm. While many communities in India practised widow remarriage and did not practise (much less forced) sati and while some practised divorces or separation, the image of the Indian woman who had been subjugated as woman, wife and widow became a dominant theme in history writing.
Secondly, a western vision was placed over the non-western societies and hence interpretations were far removed from the context. For example, notion of stridhan was equated with dowry and little regard was paid to the provisions regarding its use and ownership by women.
The huge social stigma that came along with the selling of jewellery of the household (one of the main components of stridhan) was paid no attention to. Similarly, penal provisions listed by ancient texts for misappropriation of women’s property were not even looked into.
During the Paleolithic age, hunting and gathering was norm. However much importance was given to Hunting than gathering in all literature of history. Studies, however, show that hunted prey formed only 35% of the diet while gathering fruits and other edible material supplied the major portion. Gathering of food resources was ordinarily done by women. Since gathering was an important activity, more than hunting for game, it could point to significant role playing by women.
The gendered understanding of Harappan civilization is being built upon and various archaeological remains have been studied in this respect. The female figurines, idols of pregnant women, the statue of the ‘dancing girl’, various pieces of jewellery and personal belongings that have been discovered at various sites and offer useful insights on the public and private lives of women and men.
The statue of a girl obtained from Mohanjodaro has been called a ‘dancing girl’ on grounds of familiarity with the institution of devadasis in the later times. Such backward looking explanations are problematic.
There is a wide variety of terracotta female figurines that have been found at different sites right from the pre-Harappan times. Women figures are found suckling a baby, holding utensils, kneading dough, nursing infants, carrying objects like drums, seated figures for board games, with steatopygia (fat deposition on the hips and elsewhere), with floral head-dresses and in many other forms.
Even figurines of pregnant women are quite common. However, most of these have been uncritically associated with fertility, religiosity and reproductive ideas, and have been passed off as representations of the Mother Goddesses. While some of them were votive objects, others are held to be toys or other utilities. The focus on female form has been so stereotypical that women have been seen as associated only with home, hearth, fertility, sexuality and divinity. So much so that sometimes even male figurines in assumed womanly roles were classified as female figurines.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN EARLY INDIA
The first literary tradition in the Indian subcontinent (and the oldest in the world) is that of the Vedic corpus. From the four Samhitas to the Upanishads, we find many interesting references to women in various roles. Some of these women have left their mark on the cultural heritage to this day and are remembered in various ritual and social contexts. Their names, stories, some highly revered hymns, and other interesting facets are mentioned in the Vedic corpus.
The Vedic literature has been classified as Early Vedic and Later Vedic. The Rigvedic society and polity seems to be teeming with life and agro-pastoral economy was enmeshed in close kinship ties. Women as well as men participated in society, economy and polity. Some of the most revered hymns including the gayatri mantra are ascribed to women.
Various natural phenomena are depicted as Goddesses and they are offered prayers. While quantitative analysis highlights the predominance of Indra, Agni, Varuna and other male gods, the power and stature of the goddesses is equally well established.
Women participated in all three Vedic socio-political assemblies viz. Sabha, Samiti and Vidhata. They had access to education and were even engaged in knowledge creation. They could choose to be brahmavadinis with or without matrimony.
Hence, there is no reason to believe that they were only confined to home and hearth. T. S. Rukmani attempts to understand if women had agency in early India. Her work has highlighted many interesting details. The author acknowledges the fact that though the patriarchal set up put women at a loss, there were instances where women found space to exercise their agency.
She points out that though the texts like the Kalpasutras (Srautasutras, Dharmasutras and Grhasutras) revolved around the ideology of Dharma and there was not much space to express alternative ideas, still these works also find some leeway to express ideas reflecting changed conditions.
For example, there is a statement in the Apastamba Dharmasutra that one should follow what women say in the funeral samskaras. Stephanie Jamison believes that in hospitality and exchange relations, women played an important role. She says that the approval of the wife was important in the successful completion of the soma sacrifice. In another study it has been shown that women enjoyed agency in deciding what was given in a sacrifice, bhiksha to a sanyasin. The men had no authority in telling her what to do in these circumstances.
Vedic society was the one which valued marriage immensely. In such contexts, Gender Perspectives if a woman chose not to marry, then it would point to her exercising choice in her decision to go against the grain and remain unmarried.
Mention may be made of Gargi. She was a composer of hymns and has been called a brahmavadini. This term applies to a woman who was a composer of hymns and chose to remain unmarried, devoting herself to the pursuit of learning.
Similarly, in the case of Maitreyi, she consciously opts to be educated in the Upanishadic lore and Yajnavalkya does not dissuade her from exercising her choice.
The statement in the Rigveda that learned daughters should marry learned bridegrooms indicates that women had a say in marriage. Though male offspring is desired, there is a mantra in the Rigveda, recitation of which ensures the birth of a learned daughter.
Altekar refers to the yajnas like seethayagna, rudrayajna etc. that were to be performed exclusively by women. Some of the women were known for their exceptional calibre, for example, from the Rigveda Samhita we find mention of women like Apala, Ghosha, Lopamudra, Gargi, Maitreyi, Shachi, Vishwavara Atri, Sulabha and others.
Women have not only been praised as independent individuals but also with reference to their contributions towards their natal or marital families.
The Later Vedic literature shows the progression towards a State society with a change in the organization of the society and polity. The chief comes to be referred to as bhupati instead of gopati. However, within the twelve important positions (ratnis) mentioned, the chief queen retains a special position under the title mahisi.
The importance of the chief queen continued as gleaned from several references to them in the Epics, Arthashastra and even in coins and epigraphs from early historical times.
The other Samhitas also refer to women sages such as Rishikas. The wife is referred to as sahadharmini. Brahmanas or the texts dealing with the performance of the yajna (Vedic ritual), requires a man to be accompanied by his wife to be able to carry out rituals.
For example, Aitareya Brahmana looks upon the wife as essential to spiritual wholesomeness of the husband. However, there is a mention of some problematic institutions as well.
Uma Chakravarti has pointed towards the condition of Vedic Dasis (female servant/slave) who are referred to in numerous instances. They were the objects of dana (donation/gift) and dakshina (fee).
It is generally believed that from the post Vedic period the condition of the women steadily deteriorated. However, Panini’s Ashtadhyayi and subsequent grammatical literature speak highly of women acharyas and Upadhyayas.
Thus, the memory and practice of a brahmavadini continued even after the Vedic period. The Ramayana, Mahabharata and even the Puranas keep the memory of brhamavadini alive.
Mention may be made of Anasuya, Kunti, Damyanti, Draupadi, Gandhari, Rukmini who continued to fire the imagination of the poets. Texts show that the daughter of Kuni-garga refused marriage because she did not find anyone worthy of her.
The Epics also mention women whose opinions were sought in major events. For example, after the thirteen years of exile, while debating upon the future course of action regarding the restoration of their share, the Pandavas along with Krshna asks Draupadi for her views. Similarly, when Krishna goes to the Kaurava’s court to plead the case of Pandavas, Gandhari is called upon to persuade her sons to listen to reason.
Since a woman taking sanyasa was an act of transgression, one can explore women’s agency through such instances. In the Ramayana, Sabari, who was the disciple of Sage Matanga, and whose hermitage was on the banks of river Pampa was one such sanyasin.
Such women find mention in Smriti literature and Arthashashtra. Kautilya’s prohibition against initiating women into Sanyasa can make sense only if women were being initiated into sanyasa. He advises the king to employ female parivrajakas as spies.
Megasthenes mentions women who accompanied their husbands to the forest, probably referring to the Vanaprastha stage. Another category of literature called Shastras that comprises of sutras (aphorisms) and the smriti texts (‘that which is remembered’) becomes important in the postVedic period.
These textual traditions cover many subjects relating to the four kinds of pursuits of life referred to as purusharthas (namely dharma, karma, kama and moksha). In all these texts we find very liberal values and freedom for both women and men.
The setting up of a household is seen as an ideal for men as well as women (though asceticism for learning is equally praised for both). For example, Apastambha Sutra opines that rituals carried out by an unmarried man do not please the devatas (divinities). Similarly, Manusmriti provides that ‘for three years shall a girl wait after the onset of her puberty; after that time, she may find for herself a husband of equal status. If a woman who has not been given in marriage finds a husband on her own, she does not incur any sin, and neither does the man she finds’
Thus, we see that women enjoyed choice in matters of matrimony. It is interesting to note that unmarried daughters were to be provided for by the father. In fact, daughter is stated to be the object of utmost affection. Should a girl lose her parents, her economic interests were well looked after. It was provided that from their shares, ‘the brothers shall give individually to the unmarried girls, one-quarter from the share of each. Those unwilling to give will become outcastes’
With regards to defining contemporary attitude towards women, Apastambha Sutra prescribed that ‘All must make a way for a woman when she is treading a path.’ Later Dharmashastra also makes similar statements.
Yagnavalkyasmriti mentions that ‘women are the embodiment of all divine virtues on earth.’ However, there are several provisions that look problematic.
On one hand, we have reverence assigned to the feminine (divine and worldly) and important roles being played by them, on the other hand we have questionable provisions and descriptions like right to chastise them through beating or discarding.
The post-Vedic phase from 6th century BCE onwards is also rich in literary traditions with ample depictions of women. Interestingly, we have an entire body of literature that is ascribed totally to women who became Buddhist nuns. These are referred to as Therigathas i.e. the Songs of the Elder Bhikkhunis (Buddhist Women who joined the Sangha).
The Arthashastra Gender Perspectives gives us information on women who were engaged in economic activities of various kinds. They formed a part of both the skilled and the unskilled workforce. They were into professional as well as non-professional employment.
Some of their vocations were related to their gender, while the others were not. There were female state employees as well as independent working women. Similarly, some of them were engaged in activities which though not dependent on their biological constitution are nonetheless categorized as women’s domain, e.g. domestic services etc. Some of them were actual state employees, while some others were in contractual relations with the State. For example, we have female bodyguards and spies in the State employment.
Jaiswal suggests that these women perhaps came from Bhila or Kirata tribe. Female spies were not only to gather information and relay it to proper source, but also to carry out assassinations. However, a closer look at the text shows that there were different classes of female spies engaged for different purposes. Amongst others ‘women skilled in arts were to be employed as spies living inside their houses’. Others were required to work as assassins. Some were to the play the roles of young and beautiful widows to tempt the lust of greedy enemy.
We also have various Buddhist and Jaina traditions giving us some glimpses of the ideas and institutions of the times. Apart from the orthodox (Vedic and Brahmanic) and heterodox normative tradition we have many popular texts like the Epics in Sanskrit and Jatakas in Pali.
Even Prakrit language has many interesting narratives and poetic texts. The Therigatha by the Buddhist nuns are an interesting literary source that provides us with a glimpse of various women who attained arhantship or similar other stages of Realisation.
The deliberation on the age and deterioration of the body by Ambapali, the non-importance of sensual or bodily pleasures by Nanda, Vimla and Shubha etc points towards the intellectual and spiritual engagements and attainments of women.
It is interesting to note that an absolutely contrary picture is presented by the Jatakas wherein more often than not, women are depicted as evil. It is important to note that women were given an evil aura mostly in their roles as wives or beloveds.
Both the texts and the archaeological remains have been studied by various scholars and opposing interpretations are not rare. For example, on one side Sita (from Ramayana) and Draupadi (from Mahabharata) have been seen as victims of the patriarchal order; on the other hand, they are also represented as selfwilled women.
Draupadi after the game of dice presents herself as a forceful and articulate woman. It’s her wit that saves her husbands from becoming slaves of the Kauravas. Her incensed outrage at the attack on her modesty, her bitter lamentations to Krishna, her furious tirade against Yudhishthira for his seeming inability to defend her honour and many more such instances show her to be an aggressive woman. This persona is juxtaposed to her representations as an ideal wife elsewhere. However, Draupadi is never idealised as a perfect wife who endures the most severe trials without complaint. This honour is reserved for Sita in the Ramayana. She is also presented as a victim like Draupadi and voices her concern at her fate openly. However, her aggression is directed inwards as indicated by her action against the self which culminate in her union with the mother Earth.
Are the limited number of hymns ascribed to the Vedic women a signifier of their general status? Are the goddesses merely representational with no connection to the ideas and behaviour towards women? Did only princesses choose their spouses? Are the warrior women an exception? Such searching questions need to be addressed with due diligence.
While women studies are a good development there is a need to expand the horizons to include other varieties of human existence. We have narratives of fluid sexuality in various texts. The one year of Arjuna’s life spent as Brihallana and rebirth of Amba as Shikhandi are some interesting instances. The artefacts found at the site of Sheri Khan Tarakai include visibly hermaphroditic figurines. There is a need to understand the notions of the feminine, masculine, neuter, and other forms of gender and sexual identities. These will have ramifications for understanding the ideas of conjugality, family, community, society and even polity and spirituality.
CONCLUSION
Human civilisations were built by men as well as women, however, history writing has a huge male-bias. Women were confined to questions of status and position that were largely evaluated in terms of their roles in the domestic sphere.
Their treatment as wives and widows became a central focus of most research alongside their place in ritual or religious context. This made them peripheral to mainstream history. This was questioned by various scholars from time to time and led to the development of gendered understanding of history. Focusing attention on women’s history helps to rectify the method which sees women as a monolithic homogeneous category. Writing gender history has helped in building an image of the past that is wholesome and nuanced.