The prolonged closure of schools after the sudden and totally unplanned lockdown in March 2020 to a possible re-opening at the end of September 2021 (a period of 18 months) has grabbed some media attention at last. Following the release of the Emergency Report of School Education (ERSE) based on the School Children’s Online Offline Learning (SCHOOL) Survey, conducted in August 2021, news coverage has gone beyond reproducing political handouts extolling the virtues of the New Education Policy (NEP 2020).
The key findings of the first round of the survey covered 1,362 households, and 1,362 students studying in Classes 1 to 8.
The focus was on “relatively deprived hamlets and bastis where children generally attend government schools”. It is worth noting that about one-fifth of the sampled students were studying in private schools at the time of the March lockdown.
However, many private schools tried to continue with the same fees by turning to online classes. Most parents, already suffering reduced incomes, were reluctant to pay the fees when students were staying at home and they were also required to meet additional charges under the heads of smartphones and recharges.
Further, online education did “not work well for their children” possibly because of poor connectivity (65 per cent for rural areas and 57 per cent for urban areas), an absence of a conducive environment at home and lack of unrestricted use of the family smartphone.
As a result, 26 per cent of the sampled children left private schools for government schools, and many parents claimed they were waiting for private schools to give them transfer certificates for shifting their children to government schools as well.
Almost 60 per cent of the sampled families are rural and about 60 per cent are Dalit and Adivasi. So the survey focusses on the most underprivileged and consequently its findings have turned out to be not merely “bleak” but indeed “catastrophic”.
Only 8 per cent of rural children were studying online and only 28 per cent were studying “regularly” both online and offline.
Thirty-seven per cent were not studying at all during the period of the survey. The comparable figures for urban areas were 47 per cent studying “regularly” and 19 per cent not studying at all.
Almost half the children, 42 per cent urban and 48 per cent rural, were unable to read more than a few words.
For a country proclaiming 98 per cent enrolment with governments taking credit for this achievement, these are indeed shocking figures. This educational emergency is particularly severe given the huge numbers involved.
A recent UNICEF report, Rapid Assessment of Learning During School Closures in the Context of Covid-19, (2021), states that school closures have impacted approximately 286 million children from pre-primary to upper (senior) secondary and this has added to the 6 million who were out of school even before the pandemic struck.
The disruption has been marked by the effect of sharp inequalities already entrenched in the system. Among the underprivileged, Dalit and Adivasi families are much worse off.
Only 4 per cent of rural Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes students study online on a regular basis, compared with 15 per cent of other rural children.
Forty-three per cent of S.C./S.T. students are not able to study at all, as opposed to only 25 per cent of dominant caste students.
Eighty-three per cent of S.C./S.T. parents feel that their child’s ability to read and write has declined, as opposed to 66 per cent dominant caste parents.
The example provided in the survey of Kutmu village of Latehar district (Jharkhand), records discrimination in education. Although most of the households are of Dalits and Adivasis, the teacher belongs to one of the few dominant caste families in the village. None of the Dalit and Adivasi children interviewed in Kutmu were able to read fluently and parents spoke bitterly about the irresponsible attitude of the teacher.
Increase in child labour
There is a rising incidence of child labour in the 10-14 age group and a majority of the girls are doing some household work.
In rural areas about one-fourth of the girls had also done unpaid work in family fields in the preceding three months, and a substantial 8 per cent had done some paid work.
The survey shows that an overwhelming majority of parents, including 65 per cent urban parents with “online children”, felt their child’s reading and writing abilities declined during the lockdown.
Although 44 per cent parents in urban areas felt their children had adequate online access as compared with 25 per cent in rural areas, it is significant that 46 per cent children in urban areas found online classes/videos difficult to follow, which was close to the 43 per cent rural children who felt the same.
Distance learning through TV, Doordarshan and feature phones found a dismal ‘response’ of less than 3 to 5 per cent (urban) and less than 1 per cent (rural) on an occasional basis.
Education demands much more than mere technology. It requires imagination, socialisation and sensitivity, as well as a deep respect for the constitutional principles of equality and social justice.
How the “offline children” fared
What were the conditions prevailing among the “offline children”? In the rural areas, almost half of the children who were not studying online were not studying at all during the survey. Irregularity was also a feature of their attempts at self-study, and home study with help, as well as study with classmates.
Part of the reason for this appears to be a lack of planning for providing support and engaging with students.
In some States, such as Punjab, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, an effort was made to provide for some classes in schools or mohallas, give worksheets as homework to students, and to have teachers visiting homes to advise students and parents on how to occupy students not just sometimes but regularly at home.
However, this appears not to have sustained itself too well. Only 5 per cent urban children had the teacher come home to inquire and advise; the figure was 12 per cent for rural children.
A phone call outreach was made to 36 per cent urban children but only to 12 per cent rural children. Three per cent urban children and 2 per cent rural children had a teacher come home to help. But 39 per cent urban children and 25 per cent rural children did receive homework.
Most other States, including Assam, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand, were unable to do even this much and pretty much left families and children to cope on their own.
Fifty-one per cent students in urban areas and 58 per cent in rural areas had not even met their teacher(s) in the 30 days before the survey, which generated further problems. Particularly, but not only in urban areas with confined homes, it was a “burden for children to be home” all day, and yet their wandering out-of-doors also caused anxiety.
For working mothers, the closure of schools was a source of deep concern. For the students who struggled with the need to labour on the one hand and on the other to cope with the boredom of idleness with restricted resources, phone addiction and aggression were reported by parents who were worried about growing violent reactions.
However, the survey also “uncovered an impressive range of initiatives by caring teachers”. They convened small group classes in the open or even in their homes, recharged phones or shared their own phones with students who could not afford the expenses, and even helped them with their studies through home visits. These valuable inputs were a drop in the ocean in the face of the systemic lack of concern, planning and resources.
A final blow for students and their families during the pandemic was not just the school closures but the immediate discontinuation of midday meals and the nutritional loss suffered as a result.
About 80 per cent of parents with children studying in government schools received some rice or wheat (often with complaints that the quantities distributed were less than the entitlement of 100 grammes daily per child) during the previous three months. A small minority received some cash. Others received nothing as the provisions made were both “sporadic and haphazard”.
The SCHOOL survey showed that the pandemic to a great extent exacerbated the consequences of what was already a crisis-ridden system of school education. It certainly did not create these conditions. The government school system in general has failed to provide anything like learning because the students and teachers alike are victims of a prolonged neglect.
Denied adequate investments by governments for providing infrastructure, permanent trained faculty, and support for a student population drawn from increasingly deprived and marginalised sections of society, one can only hope that the results of the SCHOOL survey will act as a major “wake-up call” to those who have either been sleeping over the system’s calamitous descent into disastrous inefficiency, or have in fact contributed to this for the benefit of just about everyone but the children of this country.
What will it mean if schools are not merely to re-open by the end of September but to actually embark on a process of renewal?
Firstly, the re-opening of lakhs of neighbourhood schools that have been “rationalised” and closed over the past three or four years. They will be needed, and there is an opportunity to revive them given the big shift to government schools seen during the pandemic.
Secondly, urgently upgrading infrastructure to come up to the prescribed norms and quality. The failure to invest in our future generations for decades must be corrected and policies aimed at depriving the education system must be immediately reversed.
Thirdly, a full complement of the trained faculty required for establishing a completely free and compulsory education system from ECCE upwards to Class XII needs to be put in place.
Fourthly, an adequate nutritional programme requires to be implemented by a trained cadre maintained specially for this task.
And finally, devising and engaging in a learning process involving faculty and students in all schools to determine how they will recognise and overcome the problems posed by the long lockout from school. This is crucial as children who are not going to school are being promoted to the next year and confronted with a higher programme of study.
A turning point?
This is an important moment and a chance for breaking out of the dysfunctional pre-pandemic mode and beginning anew. Not merely remedial but rejuvenating. Now is the time for making a sustained and serious effort at developing the long overdue process of continuous and constant evaluation.
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Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.