By Categories: Agriculture

Once upon a time everybody ate local food. No one called it that back then, of course. People just hunted, gathered, tilled the soil, and grazed livestock—all, for the most part, relatively close to home. But then small agricultural settlements grew into towns, towns grew into cities, and eventually the city became a place where you moved to get away from farming.

Covering the flat roofs and roof terraces of Bologna, Italy, with soil-free gardens could supply 12,000 tons of vegetables per year, or 77% of what the city’s inhabitants consume.

Lately we’ve come full circle, as the local food movement has reignited our interest in eating what’s produced nearby. A turning point came in 2001, when a study of food distribution systems in the midwestern US showed that produce travels 1,500 miles on average from farm to plate. That little statistical morsel focused major attention on “food miles” and the possibilities for reducing them.

More than half of the world’s population lives in cities, so an interest in local food quickly morphs into a discussion of urban agriculture. But just how compatible is the landscape of modern cities with large-scale food production?

A smattering of studies, mostly in the United States, suggests that a lot of little vegetable plots can add up to something pretty major. In Cleveland, for example, converting 80 percent of every vacant lot to food production could supply about half of the produce, one-quarter of the poultry and eggs, and all of the honey consumed by the city’s residents.

Vacant lots are plentiful in Cleveland, a city that has been hit hard by both deindustrialization and the foreclosure crisis. But not all cities have so much slack. New York City requires between 162,000 and 232,000 acres to grow all its fruits and vegetables, according to an analysis by Columbia University’s Urban Design Lab.  But it has only about 5,000 acres of suitable vacant land.

Producing a city’s entire food supply locally, not just its fruits and vegetables, gets even trickier. If all the grassy areas in Seattle—every lawn, public park, and soccer field—were pressed into agricultural service, they would yield crops (a combination of beets, squash, potatoes, carrots, dry beans, barley, kale, hazelnuts, and apples) sufficient to meet the total nutritional needs of just four percent of the city’s residents.

On a global scale, one-third of the urban footprint would be necessary to produce the vegetables consumed by urban dwellers. But this overall statistic hides a lot of variability: in some countries—such as Laos, Nigeria, and Cuba—the entire area covered by cities is smaller than the area required to grow vegetables for the urban population; other countries—such as the United States, Australia, and Brazil—could manage this feat on 10 percent or less of their urban land.

In general, denser cities will have more difficulty achieving food self-sufficiency. That means there’s a trade-off between different aspects of sustainability: a city can have high population density or lots of locally grown food, but probably not both. The old real estate adage that you can’t make more land applies here, although some people have tried getting around this constraint by proposing that we farm underground or in high-tech high-rises.

Looking up can also improve the picture somewhat. One analysis found that covering the flat roofs and roof terraces of Bologna, Italy, with soil-free gardens could supply 12,000 tons of vegetables per year, or 77 percent of what the city’s inhabitants consume.

Still, there might be more opportunities for old-fashioned, in-the-dirt farming in cities than we’ve yet realized. More than half the world’s urban residents live in small-to-medium-sized cities, which also tend to be less dense and therefore have more room for agricultural production compared to the biggest metropolises.

And maybe it doesn’t have to be all or nothing. The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization has estimated that at least 800 million people grow food in and around cities. Many of these people are poor, and growing a bit of supplemental produce can make a real difference to their economic and physical health.

In the Kibera slum of Nairobi, Kenya, families who engage in sack gardening, a space-efficient method in which vegetables such as kale and Swiss chard are planted in soil-filled sacks, eat a wider variety of vegetables compared to other families. This is because they are able to both eat the vegetables they grow and use money earned from selling their crops to buy other foods.

Food production isn’t the only benefit of urban agriculture, either. Farms on the outskirts of Sydney, Australia, might provide a buffer to the bush fires that periodically threaten the city ; urban farms in Antananarivo, Madagascar, can also help with flood protection if they’re properly sited.

 All of this suggests that the real question is not so much about food miles as about food security, and how the food system fits into a broader vision of a sustainable urban world.


 

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  • Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.

    Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.

    The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.

    Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.

    In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.

    Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.

    “Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.

    India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.

    With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.

    They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.

    India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.

    As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices

    The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).

    The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.

    Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):

    a)Base Price

    39

    b)Freight

    0.34

    c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b)

    39.34

    d) Excise Duty

    40.17

    e) Dealer Commission

    4.68

    f) VAT

    25.35

    g) Retail Selling Price

    109.54

     

    Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.

    So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?

    India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.

    However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.

    That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.

    Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.

    Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.

    But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.