Every country has military and Pakistan Military has a country. This statement is only vindicated by the fact that the Pakistan PrimeMinister was nowhere to be seen while Munir-Trump were having lunch.
In the high-stakes theatre of South Asian geopolitics, the United States, India, and Pakistan are once again entangled in a strategic triangle — one shaped by history, ambition, and shifting alliances.
“Geography gives no second chances, but diplomacy often plays the same hand twice.”
🍽️ Trump’s Lunch, Pakistan’s Leverage
Former U.S. President Donald Trump’s White House lunch with Pakistan’s Army Chief Asim Munir, was more than ceremonial. It signaled a revival of Cold War-style realpolitik, marked by nostalgia, optics, and short-term deals. Despite India’s denials, Trump’s claims of brokering ceasefires and using trade as leverage underscore a return to “deal over doctrine” diplomacy.
This pivot threatens decades of U.S.-India strategic alignment, particularly around counterterrorism and China containment — once hailed as one of Washington’s most successful post-Cold War recalibrations.
💸 From Rebuke to Reward: A U.S.–Pakistan Reset
Trump’s earlier bluntness — calling out Pakistan’s “double game” — had resonated well with New Delhi. But in a startling shift, his administration revived military aid to Pakistan, greenlighting $397 million for F-16 support, while U.S. officials began calling Pakistan a “phenomenal partner.”
This transactional reset serves America’s immediate goals: Iran intelligence, Afghanistan access, and keeping a foothold in China’s backyard. But for India, it threatens a values-based partnership and signals Washington’s growing ambivalence.
⚔️ India’s ‘New Normal’: From Restraint to Retaliation
“This is not a ceasefire. This is a pause.” — PM Modi
After the Pahalgam terror attack, India responded with Operation Sindoor — a decisive military strike signaling a doctrinal shift from strategic restraint to assertive retaliation. Governement frames this as a “new normal” — where diplomacy walks in lockstep with military resolve.
The message is clear: India will no longer play by old rules. But Beijing’s proximity to Islamabad raises fears of a two-front challenge.
🧊 Rawalpindi’s Hard State Doctrine
Pakistan, meanwhile, is doubling down on its military-first approach. Elevating Asim Munir to Field Marshal reflects a hardening of the state, centralizing power in the military, and sidelining civilian checks. At the same time, Pakistan is wooing Washington through trade deals, rare earth cooperation, and charm offensives — a classic case of geography meets guile.
🎭 Washington’s Balancing Act: Strategy or Shortcuts?
Today’s U.S. foreign policy seems torn between values and convenience. Its obsession with trade tariffs and tactical wins risks sidelining India’s Indo-Pacific role, even as strategic platforms like the Quad limp on.
By flirting with Pakistan while ignoring New Delhi’s red lines on Kashmir, the U.S. risks “re-hyphenating” India and Pakistan — a move antithetical to India’s global ambitions and sovereignty claims.
🧭 Why Pakistan Still Matters (To America)
Pakistan’s relevance rests on unchanging geography and sharp diplomacy. Bordering Iran, Afghanistan, and China, and situated at a regional crossroads, it remains a logistical and intelligence asset — especially as Washington recalibrates its stance on Iran and Central Asia.
Personal rapport — not policy alignment — often determines aid flows and access, keeping Pakistan in the game, despite its economic fragility.
🪙 Conclusion: Between Transactions and Trust
The U.S. must tread carefully. In a region bristling with nuclear arms, historical scars, and rising powers, short-term deals can undermine long-term stability. India seeks principled partnership. Pakistan seeks renewed relevance. The U.S. risks becoming a power pulled between idealism, realism, and impulsive diplomacy.
“Allies are chosen by choice, not by geography. But geography has a stubborn way of making its case.”
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[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]2021 WEF Global Gender Gap report, which confirmed its 2016 finding of a decline in worldwide progress towards gender parity.
Over 2.8 billion women are legally restricted from having the same choice of jobs as men. As many as 104 countries still have laws preventing women from working in specific jobs, 59 countries have no laws on sexual harassment in the workplace, and it is astonishing that a handful of countries still allow husbands to legally stop their wives from working.
Globally, women’s participation in the labour force is estimated at 63% (as against 94% of men who participate), but India’s is at a dismal 25% or so currently. Most women are in informal and vulnerable employment—domestic help, agriculture, etc—and are always paid less than men.
Recent reports from Assam suggest that women workers in plantations are paid much less than men and never promoted to supervisory roles. The gender wage gap is about 24% globally, and women have lost far more jobs than men during lockdowns.
The problem of gender disparity is compounded by hurdles put up by governments, society and businesses: unequal access to social security schemes, banking services, education, digital services and so on, even as a glass ceiling has kept leadership roles out of women’s reach.
Yes, many governments and businesses had been working on parity before the pandemic struck. But the global gender gap, defined by differences reflected in the social, political, intellectual, cultural and economic attainments or attitudes of men and women, will not narrow in the near future without all major stakeholders working together on a clear agenda—that of economic growth by inclusion.
The WEF report estimates 135 years to close the gap at our current rate of progress based on four pillars: educational attainment, health, economic participation and political empowerment.
India has slipped from rank 112 to 140 in a single year, confirming how hard women were hit by the pandemic. Pakistan and Afghanistan are the only two Asian countries that fared worse.
Here are a few things we must do:
One, frame policies for equal-opportunity employment. Use technology and artificial intelligence to eliminate biases of gender, caste, etc, and select candidates at all levels on merit. Numerous surveys indicate that women in general have a better chance of landing jobs if their gender is not known to recruiters.
Two, foster a culture of gender sensitivity. Take a review of current policies and move from gender-neutral to gender-sensitive. Encourage and insist on diversity and inclusion at all levels, and promote more women internally to leadership roles. Demolish silos to let women grab potential opportunities in hitherto male-dominant roles. Work-from-home has taught us how efficiently women can manage flex-timings and productivity.
Three, deploy corporate social responsibility (CSR) funds for the education and skilling of women and girls at the bottom of the pyramid. CSR allocations to toilet building, the PM-Cares fund and firms’ own trusts could be re-channelled for this.
Four, get more women into research and development (R&D) roles. A study of over 4,000 companies found that more women in R&D jobs resulted in radical innovation. It appears women score far higher than men in championing change. If you seek growth from affordable products and services for low-income groups, women often have the best ideas.
Five, break barriers to allow progress. Cultural and structural issues must be fixed. Unconscious biases and discrimination are rampant even in highly-esteemed organizations. Establish fair and transparent human resource policies.
Six, get involved in local communities to engage them. As Michael Porter said, it is not possible for businesses to sustain long-term shareholder value without ensuring the welfare of the communities they exist in. It is in the best interest of enterprises to engage with local communities to understand and work towards lowering cultural and other barriers in society. It will also help connect with potential customers, employees and special interest groups driving the gender-equity agenda and achieve better diversity.