1) NJAC –   The flaws in  Hon’ble Supreme Court’s Judgement :-

  • In the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s verdict that invalidated the 99th Constitution Amendment, rendering nugatory the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC), a popular narrative has entered our conscience: that the commission is not a credible alternative to the Supreme Court’s ‘collegium.’.
  • The verdict upholds an extra-constitutional forum, created by the Supreme Court’s own members to serve its own ends, in the place of a system lawfully enacted by a popularly elected Parliament.
  • The judgment fails to adequately answer the fundamental question at the root of the controversy: how is judicial primacy in making appointments to the higher judiciary a part of our Constitution’s basic structure?
  • Second Judges case :- the Constitution, in Articles 124 and 217, is crystal clear in its mandate. It accords to the President the power to appoint judges to the Supreme Court and to the various High Courts. In performing this function, the executive is required to compulsorily consult with certain persons. To make appointments to the Supreme Court, the Chief Justice of India (CJI) must always be consulted. In elevating persons to a High Court’s bench, in addition to the CJI, the Chief Justice of that High Court and the Governor of the State concerned, acting through his or her Council of Ministers, must be mandatorily conferred with.In 1993, in a case commonly referred to as the Second Judges Case, the Supreme Court, sitting as a nine-judge bench, interpreted the word “consultation,” used in Articles 124 and 217, to mean concurrence. In making appointments to the higher judiciary, the Court held, the executive was bound by the advise of the CJI — who acted in concert with a group that also comprised his two (later four) senior-most colleagues, a body that we today call the “collegium.”
  • During the Constituent Assembly (CA) debates, Alladi Krishnaswamy Iyer had warned against vesting untrammelled power in the judiciary, which, he believed, could engineer the creation of a super legislature. This is precisely the role that the Supreme Court performed in the Second Judges Case, by effectively rewriting the Constitution to create a self-serving body, usurping powers from both Parliament and the executive. Appointment is an executive function.
  • The Contradiction with in:- Justice Khehar also fails to show us how the removal of judicial primacy in matter of judicial appointments impairs the Constitution’s basic structure. The learned judge relies on the decision in the Second Judges Case to tell us that the word “consultation” in Articles 124 and 217 means “concurrence.” If so ,then there is no need of primacy as ‘consultation’ means ‘concurrence’ and ‘one vote equals one value’, the whole argument of CJI primacy , make the the CJI , ‘Holier than Thou’ among its own member and self defeats the meaning of concurrence.
  • Blindsiding its own precedence :- One of the contentious issue with the NJAC was the –  The ability of the two ‘eminent persons’ to veto any appointment flowed not from the 99th Constitutional Amendment but the NJAC Act. Therefore, it defied logic to render the entire amendment invalid solely because of this provision .It defied the “Doctorine of severability”.

 

2) BRICS Signs MOSCOW DECLARATION :-

  • BRICS countries- Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa agreed for co-investment of resources for supporting multilateral R&D Projects in mutually agreed areas. The Indian delegation led by the Union Minister for Science & Technology and Earth Sciences, Dr. Harsh Vardhan, signed a joint Declaration  called Moscow Declaration to this effect, at the 3rd Meeting of BRICS Ministers for Science, Technology and Innovation held at Moscow on 28 October, 2015.
  • This Declaration reflects BRICS partnership in addressing common global and regional socio-economic challenges, utilizing such drivers as science, technology and innovation (STI)

3) Buddhist Tourism Circuit – Commencement of Special Train

  • The route is:-  Delhi- GAYA-RAJGIR-NALANDA-VARANASI-KUSHINAGAR/LUMBINI-SRAVASTI-Agra-Delhi

Note 1- The news of commencement of train as such is not important for civil service aspirants, but Buddhist Circuit is of paramount importance.

Note 2-The funny part of this journey is you get to see Taj Mahal in Agra and how that is part of Buddhist Circuit, is probably a case for historians to answer, but for a traveler, it is probably an indispensable part of the journey , so it is a realistic promotion to keep Agra in the loop.


4) Third India-Africa Forum Summit, Summary on areas of cooperation :-

  • General Areas of Co-operation:-
    • mutual understanding of cultures, traditions and heritage and bringing our people closer through exchanges at various levels
    • Promote gender equality and empowerment of women
    • Encourage use of modern social networks to build communities of mutual interest.Linkages between academia, journalists, media entities and civil society will be
      further encouraged inter-alia through the Forum for Indian Development Cooperation (FIDC) to document successful development interventions by civil
      society among communities in developing countries.
    • Promote good governance through the efficient use of emerging e-governance technologies.
    • Reaffirm our strong commitment to work together for a comprehensive Reform of the United Nations system, including its Security Council,
      to make it more regionally representative, democratic, accountable and effective.
    • ensuring free, fair and transparent parliamentary and electoral processes, such as training and capacity building in tandem with current international best practices
    • more liberal visa procedures and visa concessions to enhance tourism, trade and other people to people contacts
    • Support African Small Island States tackling the impact of climate change as well as their connectivity with mainland Africa
  • Economic Co-operation:-
    • Africa-India trade has multiplied in the last 15 years and doubled in the last five years to reach nearly US$ 72 billion in 2014 -2015. There is growing investment by
      Indian companies, both multinational and SMEs, in Africa in a range of sectors.
    • Both sides recognize that India was among the first emerging economies to propose a duty -free market access scheme for LDCs(least developed countries) .
    • One of the most significant forms of Africa-India partnership has been the offer of concessional credit under the Indian Development and Economic Assistance Scheme(IDEAS) for implementing a range of projects as per the economic and social priorities of African countries in areas where Indian companies have relevant expertise.
    • Enhance cooperation through training and collective negotiations on global trade issues, including at the WTO to protect and promote the legitimate interests of
      developing countries, especially the LDCs.
  • Cooperation on Sustainable agriculture and ensuring Food security and access to market
  • Cooperation on renewable energy sector and providing technical know-how
  • Cooperation in Blue economy (Ocean)
    • Livelihoods of large sections of our peoples are dependent on Oceans which have emerged as the new frontier for the development of the peoples of Africa and
      India. The significance of Oceans for global or regional trade and its marine resources as a contributor to the economic prosperity of our people is evident
  • Cooperation in Infrastructure and Skills Development
  • Cooperation in Health
    • commitment to enhance collaboration and share experience in the application of advancement in science, technology, research and development to
      training in the area of HIV, TB, Malaria, Ebola and Polio
  • Cooperation in Peace and secuirty
    • Pursue cooperation on Maritime security issues through training, capacity building, sharing of information, surveillance and other measures in securing Sea
      Lines of Communication, preventing transnational crimes of piracy, combating terrorism, illegal and unregulated fishing, trafficking of drugs, arms and humans
      through surveillance, and hydrography surveys.

5)China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)- Implication on India

Introduction:-

  • The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a ongoing development megaproject which aims to connect Gwadar Port in southwestern Pakistan to China’s northwestern autonomous region of Xinjiang, via a network of highways, railways and pipelines to transport oil and gas.[1] The economic corridor is considered central to China–Pakistan relations and will run about 3,000 km from Gwadar to Kashgar. Overall construction costs are estimated at over $46 billion, with the entire project expected to be completed in several years.
  • The deal includes a $44 million fibre optic cable and will add 10,400 Megawatts to Pakistan’s energy grid through coal, nuclear and renewable energy projects.Also included are major upgrades to Pakistan’s transport infrastructure, including:

Karakorum Highway (Havelian in the Abbottabad District to Thakot)
Karachi-Lahore Motorway (Multan to Sukkur)
The Gwadar Port East Bay Expressway Project
Gwadar International Airport

CPEC-map

Strategic Implication on Geopolitik:-

  • According to experts, the completion of Gwadar would make it the economic hub of Balochistan and create a strategic nexus between Pakistan, China and Central Asia, generating billions in revenue and providing shorter land routes.
  • It would provide links from the Caspian Sea to the Strait of Hormuz, and enable Gwadar to compete with Persian Gulf ports. The United States, wary of Chinese strategic access to the Arabian Sea and its presence in the region, has reportedly tried several times to persuade Pakistan against involving China in the development.
  • The subsequent “Karamay Declaration” of August 2015 defined Pakistan’s role in China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative. The nexus is nothing new but the motivation, significance and implications of CPEC needs careful analysis
  • The Karakoram (land) with Gwadar (sea) alignment has both commercial and military significance to serve as strategic chokepoints vis-à-vis India.
  • CPEC is suspected to be about offsetting the growing U.S.-India intimacy as also in China’s quid pro quo to counter India’s “Act East” policy
  • It seems linked to preventing the Afghan-Pak area from potentially becoming a safe haven for Uighur militants once the U.S. troops leave Afghanistan. Beijing’s frantic initiatives for Afghan reconciliation talks explain that.
  • Beijing seeks new opportunity to fill up gaps where India has largely failed. Considering PoK’s strategic location, it could have many ramifications for India. It is here that CPEC is linked to Pakistan’s recent attempts at manipulating the legal and demographic profile of Gilgit-Baltistan (GB). Islamabad wants to make GB the fifth province of Pakistan. As speculations go Pakistan could lease additional areas in GB to China like the Shaksgam Valley that was surrendered in 1963. Opening a Chinese Consulate is also in the offing. This is too serious for India to ignore

Course Correction for India:-

  • India should start placing Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) plus Ladakh (82 per cent of J&K) on the centre-stage as a keystone policy to blunt both the Kashmir rhetoric and CPEC. It is also time to start working on Pakistan’s domestic resistance i.e. in Baluchistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Gilgit-Baltistan.
  • India should explore opportunistic aspects in the OBOR (One belt one road)especially for regaining access to the northern axis, prevented by loss of (Gilgit-Baltistan)to Pakistan.
  • Further considering the region remains a critical focus of India’s threat perceptions, being on the road would be beneficial for tracking regional terrorism and developing capabilities to respond to future uncertainties Opting out is a diplomatic risk as Pakistan may exploit India’s absence. As in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Pakistan would be on the lookout to place India in the role of the spoiler within the SCO( Shanghai Cooperation Organisation)
  • Clearly, Russia and others would want India in the OBOR as a counterweight to Chinese influence.
  • Regardless of economic interests, India can’t ignore the symbolic significance as it was along the Silk Route that Indian trade and philosophy (Buddhism) once travelled to the rest of Asia.
  • Just as India joined the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, a wise approach would be to creatively join the Silk Route

 

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  • The United Nations has shaped so much of global co-operation and regulation that we wouldn’t recognise our world today without the UN’s pervasive role in it. So many small details of our lives – such as postage and copyright laws – are subject to international co-operation nurtured by the UN.

    In its 75th year, however, the UN is in a difficult moment as the world faces climate crisis, a global pandemic, great power competition, trade wars, economic depression and a wider breakdown in international co-operation.

    Flags outside the UN building in Manhattan, New York.

    Still, the UN has faced tough times before – over many decades during the Cold War, the Security Council was crippled by deep tensions between the US and the Soviet Union. The UN is not as sidelined or divided today as it was then. However, as the relationship between China and the US sours, the achievements of global co-operation are being eroded.

    The way in which people speak about the UN often implies a level of coherence and bureaucratic independence that the UN rarely possesses. A failure of the UN is normally better understood as a failure of international co-operation.

    We see this recently in the UN’s inability to deal with crises from the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, to civil conflict in Syria, and the failure of the Security Council to adopt a COVID-19 resolution calling for ceasefires in conflict zones and a co-operative international response to the pandemic.

    The UN administration is not primarily to blame for these failures; rather, the problem is the great powers – in the case of COVID-19, China and the US – refusing to co-operate.

    Where states fail to agree, the UN is powerless to act.

    Marking the 75th anniversary of the official formation of the UN, when 50 founding nations signed the UN Charter on June 26, 1945, we look at some of its key triumphs and resounding failures.


    Five successes

    1. Peacekeeping

    The United Nations was created with the goal of being a collective security organisation. The UN Charter establishes that the use of force is only lawful either in self-defence or if authorised by the UN Security Council. The Security Council’s five permanent members, being China, US, UK, Russia and France, can veto any such resolution.

    The UN’s consistent role in seeking to manage conflict is one of its greatest successes.

    A key component of this role is peacekeeping. The UN under its second secretary-general, the Swedish statesman Dag Hammarskjöld – who was posthumously awarded the Nobel Peace prize after he died in a suspicious plane crash – created the concept of peacekeeping. Hammarskjöld was responding to the 1956 Suez Crisis, in which the US opposed the invasion of Egypt by its allies Israel, France and the UK.

    UN peacekeeping missions involve the use of impartial and armed UN forces, drawn from member states, to stabilise fragile situations. “The essence of peacekeeping is the use of soldiers as a catalyst for peace rather than as the instruments of war,” said then UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, when the forces won the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize following missions in conflict zones in the Middle East, Africa, Asia, Central America and Europe.

    However, peacekeeping also counts among the UN’s major failures.

    2. Law of the Sea

    Negotiated between 1973 and 1982, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) set up the current international law of the seas. It defines states’ rights and creates concepts such as exclusive economic zones, as well as procedures for the settling of disputes, new arrangements for governing deep sea bed mining, and importantly, new provisions for the protection of marine resources and ocean conservation.

    Mostly, countries have abided by the convention. There are various disputes that China has over the East and South China Seas which present a conflict between power and law, in that although UNCLOS creates mechanisms for resolving disputes, a powerful state isn’t necessarily going to submit to those mechanisms.

    Secondly, on the conservation front, although UNCLOS is a huge step forward, it has failed to adequately protect oceans that are outside any state’s control. Ocean ecosystems have been dramatically transformed through overfishing. This is an ecological catastrophe that UNCLOS has slowed, but failed to address comprehensively.

    3. Decolonisation

    The idea of racial equality and of a people’s right to self-determination was discussed in the wake of World War I and rejected. After World War II, however, those principles were endorsed within the UN system, and the Trusteeship Council, which monitored the process of decolonisation, was one of the initial bodies of the UN.

    Although many national independence movements only won liberation through bloody conflicts, the UN has overseen a process of decolonisation that has transformed international politics. In 1945, around one third of the world’s population lived under colonial rule. Today, there are less than 2 million people living in colonies.

    When it comes to the world’s First Nations, however, the UN generally has done little to address their concerns, aside from the non-binding UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of 2007.

    4. Human rights

    The Human Rights Declaration of 1948 for the first time set out fundamental human rights to be universally protected, recognising that the “inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world”.

    Since 1948, 10 human rights treaties have been adopted – including conventions on the rights of children and migrant workers, and against torture and discrimination based on gender and race – each monitored by its own committee of independent experts.

    The language of human rights has created a new framework for thinking about the relationship between the individual, the state and the international system. Although some people would prefer that political movements focus on ‘liberation’ rather than ‘rights’, the idea of human rights has made the individual person a focus of national and international attention.

    5. Free trade

    Depending on your politics, you might view the World Trade Organisation as a huge success, or a huge failure.

    The WTO creates a near-binding system of international trade law with a clear and efficient dispute resolution process.

    The majority Australian consensus is that the WTO is a success because it has been good for Australian famers especially, through its winding back of subsidies and tariffs.

    However, the WTO enabled an era of globalisation which is now politically controversial.

    Recently, the US has sought to disrupt the system. In addition to the trade war with China, the Trump Administration has also refused to appoint tribunal members to the WTO’s Appellate Body, so it has crippled the dispute resolution process. Of course, the Trump Administration is not the first to take issue with China’s trade strategies, which include subsidises for ‘State Owned Enterprises’ and demands that foreign firms transfer intellectual property in exchange for market access.

    The existence of the UN has created a forum where nations can discuss new problems, and climate change is one of them. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was set up in 1988 to assess climate science and provide policymakers with assessments and options. In 1992, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change created a permanent forum for negotiations.

    However, despite an international scientific body in the IPCC, and 165 signatory nations to the climate treaty, global greenhouse gas emissions have continued to increase.

    Under the Paris Agreement, even if every country meets its greenhouse gas emission targets we are still on track for ‘dangerous warming’. Yet, no major country is even on track to meet its targets; while emissions will probably decline this year as a result of COVID-19, atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases will still increase.

    This illustrates a core conundrum of the UN in that it opens the possibility of global cooperation, but is unable to constrain states from pursuing their narrowly conceived self-interests. Deep co-operation remains challenging.

    Five failures of the UN

    1. Peacekeeping

    During the Bosnian War, Dutch peacekeeping forces stationed in the town of Srebrenica, declared a ‘safe area’ by the UN in 1993, failed in 1995 to stop the massacre of more than 8000 Muslim men and boys by Bosnian Serb forces. This is one of the most widely discussed examples of the failures of international peacekeeping operations.

    On the massacre’s 10th anniversary, then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan wrote that the UN had “made serious errors of judgement, rooted in a philosophy of impartiality”, contributing to a mass murder that would “haunt our history forever”.

    If you look at some of the other infamous failures of peacekeeping missions – in places such as Rwanda, Somalia and Angola – ­it is the limited powers given to peacekeeping operations that have resulted in those failures.

    2. The invasion of Iraq

    The invasion of Iraq by the US in 2003, which was unlawful and without Security Council authorisation, reflects the fact that the UN is has very limited capacity to constrain the actions of great powers.

    The Security Council designers created the veto power so that any of the five permanent members could reject a Council resolution, so in that way it is programmed to fail when a great power really wants to do something that the international community generally condemns.

    In the case of the Iraq invasion, the US didn’t veto a resolution, but rather sought authorisation that it did not get. The UN, if you go by the idea of collective security, should have responded by defending Iraq against this unlawful use of force.

    The invasion proved a humanitarian disaster with the loss of more than 400,000 lives, and many believe that it led to the emergence of the terrorist Islamic State.

    3. Refugee crises

    The UN brokered the 1951 Refugee Convention to address the plight of people displaced in Europe due to World War II; years later, the 1967 Protocol removed time and geographical restrictions so that the Convention can now apply universally (although many countries in Asia have refused to sign it, owing in part to its Eurocentric origins).

    Despite these treaties, and the work of the UN High Commission for Refugees, there is somewhere between 30 and 40 million refugees, many of them, such as many Palestinians, living for decades outside their homelands. This is in addition to more than 40 million people displaced within their own countries.

    While for a long time refugee numbers were reducing, in recent years, particularly driven by the Syrian conflict, there have been increases in the number of people being displaced.

    During the COVID-19 crisis, boatloads of Rohingya refugees were turned away by port after port.  This tragedy has echoes of pre-World War II when ships of Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany were refused entry by multiple countries.

    And as a catastrophe of a different kind looms, there is no international framework in place for responding to people who will be displaced by rising seas and other effects of climate change.

    4. Conflicts without end

    Across the world, there is a shopping list of unresolved civil conflicts and disputed territories.

    Palestine and Kashmir are two of the longest-running failures of the UN to resolve disputed lands. More recent, ongoing conflicts include the civil wars in Syria and Yemen.

    The common denominator of unresolved conflicts is either division among the great powers, or a lack of international interest due to the geopolitical stakes not being sufficiently high.  For instance, the inaction during the Rwandan civil war in the 1990s was not due to a division among great powers, but rather a lack of political will to engage.

    In Syria, by contrast, Russia and the US have opposing interests and back opposing sides: Russia backs the government of the Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad, whereas the US does not.

    5. Acting like it’s 1945

    The UN is increasingly out of step with the reality of geopolitics today.

    The permanent members of the Security Council reflect the division of power internationally at the end of World War II. The continuing exclusion of Germany, Japan, and rising powers such as India and Indonesia, reflects the failure to reflect the changing balance of power.

    Also, bodies such as the IMF and the World Bank, which are part of the UN system, continue to be dominated by the West. In response, China has created potential rival institutions such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.

    Western domination of UN institutions undermines their credibility. However, a more fundamental problem is that institutions designed in 1945 are a poor fit with the systemic global challenges – of which climate change is foremost –  that we face today.