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Outgoing American President Barack Obama has dwelt at length on the problem of inequality in an article he has penned in The Economist. Titled ‘The Way Ahead’, the article talks about four issues his successor will have to focus on. In this, he talks about inequality increasing across the world, and more so in the United States, how 1 per cent of humanity controls as much wealth as the remaining 99 per cent and how CEOs (chief executive officers) are now taking home a salary that is 250 times that of the average worker (against 20-30 times at one time).
The article will be waved around by the anti-LPG (liberalisation, privatisation, globalisation) brigade as a vindication of their stand and to push for a slowing down of these three trends (though globalisation is slowing down any way in the face of increasing protectionism).
Even those who sensibly argue that some inequality is needed in society – if everyone is perfectly equal, why should anyone strive harder than the next person – will readily admit that extreme inequalities (though that may be hard to define) may not be desirable. But is inequality actually growing?
Some facts from a recently released World Bank report, Taking on Inequality. This plots data since the 1990s to show that there has been a reduction in income inequality worldwide. This, it says, is the first such reduction since the Industrial Revolution; inequality rose steadily between 1820 and the 1990s.
The global Gini index (a measure of inequality), the report shows, kept rising since 1820, but started to drop in the late 1980s and early 1990s – the period of increasing globalisation. The sharpest drop came between 2008 and 2013, when the Gini index fell from 66.8 to 62.5. This was largely because rising incomes in India and China brought about a convergence in average incomes across countries.
However, this reduction in inter-country inequality was not mirrored within countries. The report notes an increase in inequality within countries, especially in developing countries. It looks at the Gini index of four countries – Argentina, China, India and Indonesia – and points out that while inequality in India has been more muted than the other countries, it has been moving up since the second half of the 2000s.
The report attempts to measure shared prosperity, defining it as the growth in the average income or consumption of the bottom 40 per cent of the population. If the incomes of the bottom 40 per cent grow faster, it is an indication that prosperity is being shared with them faster too.
It also works out a shared prosperity premium – the difference between the growth of the bottom 40 per cent and the growth in income at the mean in each country. This, it says, gives a sense of the share of prosperity going to groups other than the bottom 40 per cent. A positive premium shows that the prosperity of the bottom 40 per cent was higher than that of the mean (and are, therefore, better off); a negative premium will indicate just the opposite.
The report finds that between 2008 and 2013, the bottom 40 per cent in 60 out of 83 countries that were monitored (representing 67 per cent of the world’s population) showed positive income growth. Of these 60 countries, 49 reported a positive shared prosperity premium. However, the incomes of the bottom 40 per cent declined during this period in 23 countries.
The report flags the fact that the shared prosperity premium, though in the positive zone overall, was negligible. The average annualised growth in the income or consumption of the bottom 40 per cent, it notes, was 2 per cent worldwide between 2008 and 2013; but the the average shared prosperity premium was only 0.5 percentage points. It also points out that India is one of the countries in which the share of the top 1 per cent in total income has been increasing.
So how is the gap to be narrowed? The report looks at five countries which have seen sharp reductions in inequality – Brazil, Cambodia, Mali, Peru and Tanzania – and India can, perhaps, take some tips from each of them. Each of these countries has seen a significant reduction in the Gini index between 2004 and 2014.
What stands out is that most of the countries, especially Brazil and Peru, ensured macro-economic stability and followed prudent fiscal policies as well as structural reforms.
The curbing of fiscal profligacy allowed these countries to invest more in social infrastructure, especially health and education, as well as other basic services. Brazil, the report points out, had achieved almost universal access to electricity by 2014 because of a huge push to rural electrification. The share of households in the bottom 40 per cent with a toilet connected to a sewage network increased from 33 per cent to 43 per cent between 2004 and 2013.
Redistributive policies too had a role to play, but the form such redistribution took was not always price-distorting subsidies that still find favour in India. The report notes that Brazil’s conditional cash transfer programme, Bolsa Familia, saw a three-fold jump in coverage between 2004 and 2014 and explains 10-15 per cent of the reduction in income inequality. But how social spending is done is important. In Peru, the report says, public transfers are responsible for less than 10 per cent of poverty reduction in the last decade, though it too has a conditional cash transfer programme, Juntos.
A burst of job opportunities outside agriculture also played a role. In Cambodia, regular wage employment opened up in garment and apparel exports, tourism, real estate and construction. Tanzania saw a surge in retail trade and manufacturing, especially in food processing. These are sectors which do not require highly skilled workers. This is something extremely relevant to India and enabling these sectors to grow is what the government should be focusing on.
In Peru, too, the report found that the opening of the labour market was the main contributor to the reduction in poverty and inequality. And even though restrictive labour laws have ensured that Peru has one of the highest levels of informality in Latin America, the share of employed in the formal sector doubled between 2004 and 2014, and there was a narrowing of the wage gap between formal and informal workers.
There is no getting away from the fact that growing inequality will lead to social tensions. India is already seeing some of those tensions as the aspirational class finds itself increasingly dissatisfied. The only way to address this is through this simple message from the World Bank report:
The building blocks of success [of reducing inequality] have been prudent macroeconomic policies, strong growth, functioning labor markets, and coherent domestic policies focusing on safety nets, human capital, and infrastructure.
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Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.
Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.
The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.
Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.
In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.
Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.
“Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.
India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.
With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.
They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.
India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.
As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices
The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).
The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.
Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):
a)Base Price | 39 |
b)Freight | 0.34 |
c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b) | 39.34 |
d) Excise Duty | 40.17 |
e) Dealer Commission | 4.68 |
f) VAT | 25.35 |
g) Retail Selling Price | 109.54 |
Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.
So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?
India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.
However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.
That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.
Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.
Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.
But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.
Globally, around 80% of wastewater flows back into the ecosystem without being treated or reused, according to the United Nations.
This can pose a significant environmental and health threat.
In the absence of cost-effective, sustainable, disruptive water management solutions, about 70% of sewage is discharged untreated into India’s water bodies.
A staggering 21% of diseases are caused by contaminated water in India, according to the World Bank, and one in five children die before their fifth birthday because of poor sanitation and hygiene conditions, according to Startup India.
As we confront these public health challenges emerging out of environmental concerns, expanding the scope of public health/environmental engineering science becomes pivotal.
For India to achieve its sustainable development goals of clean water and sanitation and to address the growing demands for water consumption and preservation of both surface water bodies and groundwater resources, it is essential to find and implement innovative ways of treating wastewater.
It is in this context why the specialised cadre of public health engineers, also known as sanitation engineers or environmental engineers, is best suited to provide the growing urban and rural water supply and to manage solid waste and wastewater.
Traditionally, engineering and public health have been understood as different fields.
Currently in India, civil engineering incorporates a course or two on environmental engineering for students to learn about wastewater management as a part of their pre-service and in-service training.
Most often, civil engineers do not have adequate skills to address public health problems. And public health professionals do not have adequate engineering skills.
India aims to supply 55 litres of water per person per day by 2024 under its Jal Jeevan Mission to install functional household tap connections.
The goal of reaching every rural household with functional tap water can be achieved in a sustainable and resilient manner only if the cadre of public health engineers is expanded and strengthened.
In India, public health engineering is executed by the Public Works Department or by health officials.
This differs from international trends. To manage a wastewater treatment plant in Europe, for example, a candidate must specialise in wastewater engineering.
Furthermore, public health engineering should be developed as an interdisciplinary field. Engineers can significantly contribute to public health in defining what is possible, identifying limitations, and shaping workable solutions with a problem-solving approach.
Similarly, public health professionals can contribute to engineering through well-researched understanding of health issues, measured risks and how course correction can be initiated.
Once both meet, a public health engineer can identify a health risk, work on developing concrete solutions such as new health and safety practices or specialised equipment, in order to correct the safety concern..
There is no doubt that the majority of diseases are water-related, transmitted through consumption of contaminated water, vectors breeding in stagnated water, or lack of adequate quantity of good quality water for proper personal hygiene.
Diseases cannot be contained unless we provide good quality and adequate quantity of water. Most of the world’s diseases can be prevented by considering this.
Training our young minds towards creating sustainable water management systems would be the first step.
Currently, institutions like the Indian Institute of Technology, Madras (IIT-M) are considering initiating public health engineering as a separate discipline.
To leverage this opportunity even further, India needs to scale up in the same direction.