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Since 2011, it is estimated that close to Rs4 trillion of shareholder value was eroded when the stock price of NPAs and stressed companies fell by 95% to 99% from their pre-default days.

When economic historians and financial market experts discuss asset price bubbles, market instability, or irrational exuberance, one example that often crops up is what is famously referred to as “tulipmania”—a speculative price bubble in tulip bulbs that gripped Holland in the mid-1630s. At its peak, the rage for trading tulips was so high that one Viceroy tulip bulb sold for as much as $51,945 in 2017 US dollars. Understandably, back in the mid-1630s, the Dutch buyers had to trade fortunes for one tulip.

As happens with most price bubbles, however, the tulip bubble burst and prices collapsed to a negligible fraction of their peak levels as buyers began to withdraw from the market. It should come as no surprise, therefore, when analogies are drawn between the tulipmania of the 17th century and the dynamics surrounding cryptocurrencies, especially bitcoin. The former president of the Dutch central bank, Nout Wellink, for instance, called the hype surrounding bitcoin worse than tulipmania. “At least then,” he said, “you got tulips in the end, now you get nothing.” The chief executive officer of JPMorgan Chase & Co., Jamie Dimon, seconded that view at an investor conference a month ago.

To be sure, the comparison between bitcoins and tulips may seem far-fetched, even unfair. Blockchain, the technology underpinning bitcoin, promises to revolutionize the traditional way of maintaining records—thereby helping facilitate secure land transfers, ensure efficient delivery of public services, or reduce transaction costs for businesses.

But do cryptocurrencies merit a position as an asset class in an investor’s portfolio? That question requires us go back to the first principles of investing and draw a distinction between value and price.

As New York University professor and valuation expert Aswath Damodaran explains that value is essentially derived from the fundamentals of an asset—its present or expected cash flows, growth prospects, competition scenario, market structure, and so forth. Making investment decisions require us to assess this value and compare it to the current market price. If the fundamental value is higher than current market price of that asset, then the asset merits a position in the portfolio because the market price is expected to eventually converge to its fundamental value.

In contrast, pricing requires us to make a judgement about the future market price of an asset, mainly based on the market mood and momentum. It ignores the fundamentals because the objective is to profit from short-term movements in prices irrespective of the underlying value. This raises the question: Can bitcoin be valued, or priced? Or both?

As bitcoin does not generate cash flows, it is not possible to value it as an asset. Like any fiat currency, it must be priced relative to other currencies. But unlike fiat currencies, bitcoin is neither a relatively stable store of value nor a widely accepted medium of exchange. Its prices are highly volatile, swinging wildly in response to new information. It is, therefore, neither as safe as gold nor as trusted as fiat currencies. High price volatility makes it impossible for businesses to price their goods or services in bitcoin.

In their 2008 white paper, the bitcoin creators had proposed the new system chiefly as a means to enable electronic transactions in a more robust manner than the existing technologies, including those that involve digital signatures. But the trajectory of the bitcoin market has hardly echoed that intention. This is reflected in the fact that since the beginning of 2013, while the price of bitcoin has risen by as much as 456 times, the number of daily transactions has risen only by about eight times. For bitcoin to be viewed as a credible currency, it must gather steam as a medium of exchange than merely being a speculative bet.

One of the cardinal reasons why bitcoins, or for that matter any other cryptocurrencies, are not trusted enough for actual transactions is their lack of legal tender and the absence of regulations. But this may change soon.

The Securities and Exchange Board of India, for instance, is working on a framework to regulate bitcoins. Kenneth Rogoff, professor of economics and public policy at Harvard University, views regulatory pressure from governments as a major reason for the prices of bitcoins to collapse in the long run. Monetary authorities do not tend to view competing currencies on favourable terms. Anonymous transactions in bitcoins not only encourage tax evasion and capital flight but also aid criminal activities because both the source and end usage are unknown.

In 1936, British economist John Maynard Keynes, in his magnum opus The General Theory Of Employment, Interest And Money, proposed that stock prices are based not on their fundamental values but on people’s perception of what others would pay for it. In other words, equity prices were influenced more by crowd psychology than intrinsic value. Keynes illustrated this through the example of a beauty contest, where participants are asked to rate the most beautiful faces from a hundred options. Those who voted for the most popular option, not necessarily the most beautiful, would win. The best strategy in this case, Keynes noted, would be to choose the face that you believe others would find beautiful. This would ensure that you ended up choosing the most popular face.

Bitcoin must be viewed in a similar context. Like any fiat currency, its success hinges on the trust it may or may not eventually build among its intended users—merchants and consumers. Devoid of that trust, however, bitcoin will continue to be a speculative bet driven by market momentum until its prices eventually collapse under its own weight.


 

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  • Petrol in India is cheaper than in countries like Hong Kong, Germany and the UK but costlier than in China, Brazil, Japan, the US, Russia, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, a Bank of Baroda Economics Research report showed.

    Rising fuel prices in India have led to considerable debate on which government, state or central, should be lowering their taxes to keep prices under control.

    The rise in fuel prices is mainly due to the global price of crude oil (raw material for making petrol and diesel) going up. Further, a stronger dollar has added to the cost of crude oil.

    Amongst comparable countries (per capita wise), prices in India are higher than those in Vietnam, Kenya, Ukraine, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Venezuela. Countries that are major oil producers have much lower prices.

    In the report, the Philippines has a comparable petrol price but has a per capita income higher than India by over 50 per cent.

    Countries which have a lower per capita income like Kenya, Bangladesh, Nepal, Pakistan, and Venezuela have much lower prices of petrol and hence are impacted less than India.

    “Therefore there is still a strong case for the government to consider lowering the taxes on fuel to protect the interest of the people,” the report argued.

    India is the world’s third-biggest oil consuming and importing nation. It imports 85 per cent of its oil needs and so prices retail fuel at import parity rates.

    With the global surge in energy prices, the cost of producing petrol, diesel and other petroleum products also went up for oil companies in India.

    They raised petrol and diesel prices by Rs 10 a litre in just over a fortnight beginning March 22 but hit a pause button soon after as the move faced criticism and the opposition parties asked the government to cut taxes instead.

    India imports most of its oil from a group of countries called the ‘OPEC +’ (i.e, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Russia, etc), which produces 40% of the world’s crude oil.

    As they have the power to dictate fuel supply and prices, their decision of limiting the global supply reduces supply in India, thus raising prices

    The government charges about 167% tax (excise) on petrol and 129% on diesel as compared to US (20%), UK (62%), Italy and Germany (65%).

    The abominable excise duty is 2/3rd of the cost, and the base price, dealer commission and freight form the rest.

    Here is an approximate break-up (in Rs):

    a)Base Price

    39

    b)Freight

    0.34

    c) Price Charged to Dealers = (a+b)

    39.34

    d) Excise Duty

    40.17

    e) Dealer Commission

    4.68

    f) VAT

    25.35

    g) Retail Selling Price

    109.54

     

    Looked closely, much of the cost of petrol and diesel is due to higher tax rate by govt, specifically excise duty.

    So the question is why government is not reducing the prices ?

    India, being a developing country, it does require gigantic amount of funding for its infrastructure projects as well as welfare schemes.

    However, we as a society is yet to be tax-compliant. Many people evade the direct tax and that’s the reason why govt’s hands are tied. Govt. needs the money to fund various programs and at the same time it is not generating enough revenue from direct taxes.

    That’s the reason why, govt is bumping up its revenue through higher indirect taxes such as GST or excise duty as in the case of petrol and diesel.

    Direct taxes are progressive as it taxes according to an individuals’ income however indirect tax such as excise duty or GST are regressive in the sense that the poorest of the poor and richest of the rich have to pay the same amount.

    Does not matter, if you are an auto-driver or owner of a Mercedes, end of the day both pay the same price for petrol/diesel-that’s why it is regressive in nature.

    But unlike direct tax where tax evasion is rampant, indirect tax can not be evaded due to their very nature and as long as huge no of Indians keep evading direct taxes, indirect tax such as excise duty will be difficult for the govt to reduce, because it may reduce the revenue and hamper may programs of the govt.

  • Globally, around 80% of wastewater flows back into the ecosystem without being treated or reused, according to the United Nations.

    This can pose a significant environmental and health threat.

    In the absence of cost-effective, sustainable, disruptive water management solutions, about 70% of sewage is discharged untreated into India’s water bodies.

    A staggering 21% of diseases are caused by contaminated water in India, according to the World Bank, and one in five children die before their fifth birthday because of poor sanitation and hygiene conditions, according to Startup India.

    As we confront these public health challenges emerging out of environmental concerns, expanding the scope of public health/environmental engineering science becomes pivotal.

    For India to achieve its sustainable development goals of clean water and sanitation and to address the growing demands for water consumption and preservation of both surface water bodies and groundwater resources, it is essential to find and implement innovative ways of treating wastewater.

    It is in this context why the specialised cadre of public health engineers, also known as sanitation engineers or environmental engineers, is best suited to provide the growing urban and rural water supply and to manage solid waste and wastewater.

    Traditionally, engineering and public health have been understood as different fields.

    Currently in India, civil engineering incorporates a course or two on environmental engineering for students to learn about wastewater management as a part of their pre-service and in-service training.

    Most often, civil engineers do not have adequate skills to address public health problems. And public health professionals do not have adequate engineering skills.

     

    India aims to supply 55 litres of water per person per day by 2024 under its Jal Jeevan Mission to install functional household tap connections.

    The goal of reaching every rural household with functional tap water can be achieved in a sustainable and resilient manner only if the cadre of public health engineers is expanded and strengthened.

    In India, public health engineering is executed by the Public Works Department or by health officials.

    This differs from international trends. To manage a wastewater treatment plant in Europe, for example, a candidate must specialise in wastewater engineering. 

    Furthermore, public health engineering should be developed as an interdisciplinary field. Engineers can significantly contribute to public health in defining what is possible, identifying limitations, and shaping workable solutions with a problem-solving approach.

    Similarly, public health professionals can contribute to engineering through well-researched understanding of health issues, measured risks and how course correction can be initiated.

    Once both meet, a public health engineer can identify a health risk, work on developing concrete solutions such as new health and safety practices or specialised equipment, in order to correct the safety concern..

     

    There is no doubt that the majority of diseases are water-related, transmitted through consumption of contaminated water, vectors breeding in stagnated water, or lack of adequate quantity of good quality water for proper personal hygiene.

    Diseases cannot be contained unless we provide good quality and  adequate quantity of water. Most of the world’s diseases can be prevented by considering this.

    Training our young minds towards creating sustainable water management systems would be the first step.

    Currently, institutions like the Indian Institute of Technology, Madras (IIT-M) are considering initiating public health engineering as a separate discipline.

    To leverage this opportunity even further, India needs to scale up in the same direction.