Public order along with the defence of the realm has always been the raison d’etre of the State throughout history.
Introduction:-
- Maintenance of public order and the rule of law is a key sovereign function of the State, as important in its own way as defending the nation from external aggression or maintaining the unity and integrity of the nation State.
- “wherever law ends, tyranny begins” -Locke
- There comes a time when a nation has to achieve and ensure long term stability in order to carry out substantial economic and social transformation. India is poised for an economic upsurge that can potentially change the lives of its people, as it gears up to tap the demographic dividend available from its youthful and talented population. For the economic boom to be sustained, the country has to move not only to a trajectory of high and sustained growth but also to high levels of social stability and public tranquility. For this to happen, governance has to go beyond the daily dose of crisis management and administration has to rise above merely a “holding of the fort”
- The incidence of crime and violence is a reasonably good index of the efficacy or otherwise of the rule of law. The conviction rate in IPC cases which was 64.8% in 1961, has dropped to 42.4% in 2005. Rampant crime accompanied by low conviction rates attest to our failure in enforcing the rule of law and as a result, we have the phenomenon of glorification of vigilantism in our popular culture as testified by the success of the film – Rang de Basanti.
- Most of all, the mindset of negativism has to go. Police stations should become service centres rather than power centres. They have a role which is multi-dimensional, encompassing responsive policing, preventive policing, proactive policing and developmental policing.
Public Order :-
- Public order is largely a product of efficient general administration, effective policing and a robust criminal justice system.
- Public order implies a harmonious state of society in which all events conform to the established law and is synonymous with peace,tranquility and the rule of law.
Public disorder:-
- There are many causes of public disorder. Widely prevalent crime is a cause as well as an effect of public disorder. In a pluralistic democracy like ours, political polarisation sometimes throws up issues leading to conflicts which escalate into public disorder. Even demonstrations held on legitimate grounds can sometimes degenerate into public disorder.Given our historical inequities on the basis of caste and other social factors, these can easily lead to conflicts that may degenerate into public disorder.
- Similarly, divisive impulses based on ethnicity, religion, region, language and the sharing of natural resources can exacerbate tensions. With enhanced citizen awareness and assertion, failure in the delivery of services by the State often leads to frustration manifesting itself in public disorder.
- This tendency is aggravated by increasing criminalisation of politics and persistent interference in the due process of law.
- With increasing globalisation and the communications revolution, indigenous and transnational criminal organisations have acquired enormous resources and power with the capacity to cause serious breakdown of public order and even undermine the security of India. As opposed to organised crime, which is motivated by the prospect of illegitimate economic gains, terrorist groups are activated by real or imagined ideological motives.
- They could be homegrown armed groups like Naxalites holding sway in some pockets, or foreign sponsored secessionist groups indulging in reckless violence and mayhem with the sole objective of spreading terror. The greatest danger to public order emanates from the conjunction of foreign sponsored secessionist terrorists with organized crime networks.
Why Public Order is sacrosanct: –
- First, peace and order are necessary preconditions for freedom of expression of individuals and for the resolution of conflicting interests in a democratic society.
- Second, violence and disorder necessarily undermine economic growth and development, perpetuating a vicious cycle of poverty, frustration and violence.
- Third, rapid urbanization, which is a necessary concomitant of modernisation, tends to promote impersonal lives and create alienation, thus reducing peer pressure and social control.
- Fourth, the State’s constitutional commitment to equitable growth and justice itself may unleash social tensions, as powerful oligarchies attempt to perpetuate the
status quo. - Fifth, rapid economic growth may sometimes aggravate disparities between individuals, groups and regions leading to escalation of tension and breaches of peace.
- Sixth,weak enforcement and failure of the criminal justice system create a culture of lawlessness posing a major threat to public order.
- Finally, organised crime, militancy and terrorism have devastating consequences on the morale of the public; such a situation may even lead to the unnecessary loss of life as well as serious economic and political dislocation in an interdependent economy and polity.
The Police , Judiciary and Public order:-
- Among State agencies, police, by the very nature of their role, are the most visible arm of the government. The power of the State is expressed in its capacity to use force. As police are the agency to enforce the will of the State, the capacity of the police agencies to respond to a potential or real challenge to public order – rapidly, efficiently and justly – is of paramount importance.
- It is equally important to ensure that this power is exercised in a democratic society within the bounds of the Constitution and the law. Ultimately, the manner in which the police functions is an index of society’s respect for civil liberty and the rule of law.
- However just and efficient policing may be, security agencies alone cannot enforce the rule of law and maintain public order. An effective and impartial criminal justice system is a necessary precondition for order and harmony in society. Therefore, the preventive provisions for maintaining peace and order and matters relating to crime investigation, prosecution and trial need to be examined in detail.
- A democratic society is necessarily characterised by public expression of dissent.Such dissent arises from a variety of socio-economic, political and cultural factors. In India,the situation is further compounded by factors such as caste, religion, poverty, illiteracy,demographic pressures, ethnic and linguistic diversity. The country has witnessed many disturbances – agrarian unrest, labour and student agitations, communal riots and caste related violence – which sometimes escalate into major disorders, especially when partisan politics come into play and where the administration fails to act early in resolving conflicts.Indeed, lack of good governance and poor implementation of laws are the major factors for public disorder.
- Public order implies the absence of disturbance, riot, revolt, unruliness and lawlessness. Irrespective of the nature of a polity – democratic or autocratic, federal or unitary
– maintenance of public order is universally recognised as the prime function of the State.Anarchy would result if the State failed to discharge this duty. Such persistent anarchy would lead to decay and destruction and the eventual disintegration of the State.
The concentric circles of Security of state, Public order and Law and order by Justice Hidayatullah:-
- It is quite vital to understand what takes primacy on what grounds and the necessary distinction between National Secuity, Public order and Law and order. More often one is interpreted as other and it not necessarily wrong, however the agency that enforce rule of law must be able to delineate one form other, so as to understand the situation better and application of force proportionately.
- Law and order represents the largest circle within which it is the next circle representing public order and the smallest circle represents the security of state.It is then easy to see that an act may affect law and order but not public order, just as an act may affect public order but not the security of state, as observed by Justice Hidayatullah (Ram Manohar Lohia v. State of Bihar)
- Thus every situation in which the security of the State is threatened is a public order problem. Similarly, all situations which lead to public disorder, are necessarily law and order problems also. But all law and order problems are not public order problems. Thus, petty clashes between groups whose impact is limited to a small area are minor in nature with no impact on public order. But widespread violent clashes between two or more groups,such as communal riots, would pose grave threats to public order. A major terrorist activity could be classified as a public order problem impinging on the security of the State.
- Restraint of State while exercising force:-While every violation of law should be seen as a challenge to public order, the State should not precipitate a crisis by treating every infraction as a public order crisis.
- Superstitions and cultural attitudes, for example, take time, patience and education to change. India is an over-legislated country. The temptation to short circuit the process of modernisation by law and use of force should be resisted except when local opinion and prevailing societal norms are grossly violative of the core principles of the Constitution and democratic governance.
Public disorder and India :-
- In the post-Independence era, India has faced several instances of large scale public disorder, starting with the communal conflagration during Partition. Even now communal riots pose a grave threat to peace and order. The 1950s witnessed violent linguistic riots in some parts of the country. There have been violent secessionist movements in the North-East, Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir. There are numerous instances of agrarian, labour and student unrest. The last decade has seen an upsurge of violence by the left wing extremists,who have extended their influence over large tribal areas.
- Urbanisation has brought to the fore the shortcomings in the delivery of basic services, which at times, results in violent agitations. With improving awareness levels, conflicts over sharing of resources are increasing in rural and tribal areas. Organised groups, especially those concerned with the supply of essential services, have, on occasion, caused major public disorder by resorting to agitation,obstruction and violence.
Manifestations of Public disorder :-
- Communal Riots:-
- Communalism in a broad sense implies blind allegiance to one’s own communal group – religious, linguistic or ethnic – rather than to the larger society or to the nation as a whole. In its extreme form, communalism manifests itself in hatred towards groups perceived as hostile,ultimately leading to violent attacks on other communities.
- Communalisim is a way of thinking -the result of perversions of religions and distortions of history.Today Communalism is made more bitter by a mixture of regionalism and parochialism.
- Terrorism:-
- Terrorism has been defined as the illegal use of force or violence against people to create a wave of terror with the intention of achieving certain political or sectarian objectives
- The border State of Jammu and Kashmir and some parts of the North East have witnessed prolonged terrorist activities. Several acts of terror in recent years – hijacking of an aircraft(1999), attacks on the Parliament in New Delhi (2001), on Akshardham Temple in Gujarat(2002), and at the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore (2005), bomb blasts in market places in Delhi (2005) and in Varanasi (2006), serial bomb blasts in Mumbai (2006) andMalegaon (2006), massacre of labourers in Upper Assam (2007) etc. – all demonstrate that terrorism is not confined to a few pockets and that almost every part of the country is vulnerable.
- Even when the proximate cause of action or the political objective of the terror group is limited to a part of the country, the existence of sleeper cells, the spread of modern communications, an integrated economy and the increasing use of terror technology and tactics, have made it easy for the merchants of terror to spread their tentacles all over the country. As a result, terrorism is not merely a public order problem but has emerged as a grave threat to national security as well.
- An analysis of some of the recent terrorist attacks indicates that terrorist organisations have used the existing organised crime networks. Terrorist groups and these crime syndicates have international links with similar organisations and are supported by foreign agencies inimical to our interests. Their activities are being financed through international money laundering and drug trafficking thus creating an intricate web of crime, terror and trafficking in arms and drugs.
- Militancy in the North East –
- The North East region has more than 200 ethnically diverse groups with distinct languages, dialects and socio-cultural identities. Some parts of this region have been suffering from militancy for several decades. Militancy in the region started with the Naga movement way back in the early 1950s and rose to serious levels in Manipur in the 1960s. Large scale immigration into Tripura gave birth to militancy there in the 1960s. Militancy in Assam,on the ‘foreigners issue’, has multiplied and spread to many new areas.
- The numerous militant movements in the region have different objectives. A few movements seek outright secession from the Indian Union, some aspire for separate
Statehood while others demand greater autonomy within the existing State. Extortion and abduction are frequently resorted to by some of the militant groups. - Corruption,economic deprivation and unemployment are driving segments of youth into the fold of militant organisations. Ad hoc solutions resulting in widely varying degrees of ‘autonomy’ to different bodies – sometimes within a single state – have led to competitive demands and when they are not met, to alienation and violence
- Besides, the long porous international borders have facilitated the movement of these groups and the smuggling of arms
- Another intractable problem has been created by migration from Bangladesh.Initially, this migration represented movement of peasants from the over populated eastern districts of Bengal to the sparsely populated and fertile and fallow Brahmaputra valley constituting Assam. The redrawing of national boundaries following Partition provided an impetus to migrants from East Pakistan for reasons of personal safety to settle in Assam, where their presence gave rise to ethnic and linguistic tensions. This was followed by fresh influx of all communities due to the agrarian crisis in East Pakistan. This migration has continued even after the emergence of Bangladesh. The fear among the local populace that this immigrant population would reduce them to a minority, as has in fact happened in some parts, has fueled militancy in the region
- Currently, numerous militant groups are active in different North-Eastern states,particularly in Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura. Some of these are: Assam –
United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) and National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB); Manipur – People’s Liberation Army (PLA), United Liberation Liberation Front (UNLF), People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), Kangleipak Communist Party, Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup (KYKL), Manipur People’s Liberation Front(MPLF) and Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF); Meghalaya – Achik National Volunteer Council (ANVC) and Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC ); Tripura – All Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) and National Liberation Front of Tripura (NLFT); Nagaland- Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak Muivah)-[NSCN(IM)] and Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang)-[NSCN(K)].
- Left-Wing Extremism –
- Naxalism is the name given to radical, violent left wing extremism. This movement took birth in Naxalbari in West Bengal in the 1960s. Naxalites adopted a policy of
annihilation of their ‘class enemies’. This localised movement was effectively dealt with by the Government. However, in recent years there has been a spread of the Naxalite influence in several states. It has come down significantly in Andhra Pradesh in terms of both incidents and casualties but Chhattisgarh has seen higher levels of violence and casualties. It is also reported that Naxal groups have been trying to spread to Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Uttarakhand9. Apart from
indulging in violence, Naxalites continue to hold Jan-Adalats, a mechanism to dispense crude and instant justice. - Naxalism has become an issue of major concern. Naxalites operate in the vacuum created by the inadequacy and ineffectiveness of the administrative machinery. It is a fact that the tribal hinterland of the country has emerged as the bastion of the Naxalite movement.The problems of poverty and alienation, the demand of territorial rights and displacement from traditional forest habitats have aggravated the problem. Besides, unequal sharing of benefits of exploitation of resources has also helped create a fertile breeding ground for the growth of this menace.
- Naxalism is the name given to radical, violent left wing extremism. This movement took birth in Naxalbari in West Bengal in the 1960s. Naxalites adopted a policy of
Causative Factors of Major Public Order Problems :-
- The classical school in criminology propounded the theory that every human being acts on a rational basis and would try to maximise his gains or minimise his pains. This was the basis of the theory of deterrence. As per this theory the State tries to prevent crimes by institutionalising a system of law enforcement, which would give adequate punishment to the offender to act as a deterrent.
- The neo-classical school supports the classical viewpoint but places emphasis on reform and rehabilitation of the offender. There have been several other theories of criminology which have added social, psychological and economic dimensions to the causes of crime.
- As postulated by modern theorists, controlling crime requires a multi-pronged approach involving socio-economic and psychological measures;this does not, however, invalidate the theory of deterrence. Hence the importance of a comprehensive and efficient system of criminal justice administration.
- Three broad categories of public violence can be discerned: violence of remonstrance, violence of confrontation, and violence of frustration. There are five broad causes of the types of violence mentioned above. These can be categorised as follows :-
- Social: In India, the historical social structures and ‘hierarchy’ has been a root cause for social unrest. Caste has been a fundamental divisive factor in our society
- Communal: Religious orthodoxy and blind adherence to extreme view points is another fundamental cause for unrest. In India, the existence of every religion
side by side has been the matter of strength in our multi-cultural system but fringe elements often create unrest. - Economic: Underdevelopment is arguably a cause of tension. The desire to improve one’s position in competition with others, itself creates stress and in India, with 250 million people below the poverty line, the strain is significant.
- Administrative: The administrative machinery is not always perceived by people to be objective and fair. Slackness in delivery of services, lethargy in enforcement of laws is at times a major reason for frustration in citizens. Corrupt and self seeking behavior of some officials compounds the problem further. One of the major causative factors for the eruption of public disorder is the inadequacy of the administration in enforcing the legitimate constitutional, statutory and traditional rights of citizens leading to serious discontentment among them.
- Political: In a vibrant democratic system, not a totalitarian regime, divergent political view points can lead to tension. More important, however, is the problem of political expediency where a section of the political leadership tries to use the administration for furthering its own political agenda. The increasing propensity to use public office for private gain, unwarranted interference in crime investigation and day to day functioning of police, short-term populism at the cost of durable solutions, complexities of a federal polity – all these make it difficult to address some of the growing threats to public order. Added to this is the relatively low importance attached to public order in our political discourse.All these contribute to breakdown of the public order fabric.
- Weaknesses of Legal and administrative system :- • delays in the criminal justice system;
• unresponsiveness of the administration;
• lack of functional autonomy for law enforcement and investigation agencies;
• lack of adequate and effective accountability mechanisms;
• outdated and unprofessional interrogation and investigation techniques;
• tendency to use unwarranted disproportionate force and abdication
of duties under partisan pressures;
• inadequate training and infrastructure for police;
• lack of coordination between prosecution and investigation;
• insufficiency of laws dealing with terrorism and organised crime;
• people’s propensity to perjury; and
• neglect of victim’s rights & lack of accountability
P.S. – This article enlists the issues related to public order, their various manifestations, concepts and problems.Next article will follow in detail analysis of weaknesses of the state’s apparatus to contain the public order.
Recent Posts
Steve Ovett, the famous British middle-distance athlete, won the 800-metres gold medal at the Moscow Olympics of 1980. Just a few days later, he was about to win a 5,000-metres race at London’s Crystal Palace. Known for his burst of acceleration on the home stretch, he had supreme confidence in his ability to out-sprint rivals. With the final 100 metres remaining,
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]Ovett waved to the crowd and raised a hand in triumph. But he had celebrated a bit too early. At the finishing line, Ireland’s John Treacy edged past Ovett. For those few moments, Ovett had lost his sense of reality and ignored the possibility of a negative event.
This analogy works well for the India story and our policy failures , including during the ongoing covid pandemic. While we have never been as well prepared or had significant successes in terms of growth stability as Ovett did in his illustrious running career, we tend to celebrate too early. Indeed, we have done so many times before.
It is as if we’re convinced that India is destined for greater heights, come what may, and so we never run through the finish line. Do we and our policymakers suffer from a collective optimism bias, which, as the Nobel Prize winner Daniel Kahneman once wrote, “may well be the most significant of the cognitive biases”? The optimism bias arises from mistaken beliefs which form expectations that are better than the reality. It makes us underestimate chances of a negative outcome and ignore warnings repeatedly.
The Indian economy had a dream run for five years from 2003-04 to 2007-08, with an average annual growth rate of around 9%. Many believed that India was on its way to clocking consistent double-digit growth and comparisons with China were rife. It was conveniently overlooked that this output expansion had come mainly came from a few sectors: automobiles, telecom and business services.
Indians were made to believe that we could sprint without high-quality education, healthcare, infrastructure or banking sectors, which form the backbone of any stable economy. The plan was to build them as we went along, but then in the euphoria of short-term success, it got lost.
India’s exports of goods grew from $20 billion in 1990-91 to over $310 billion in 2019-20. Looking at these absolute figures it would seem as if India has arrived on the world stage. However, India’s share of global trade has moved up only marginally. Even now, the country accounts for less than 2% of the world’s goods exports.
More importantly, hidden behind this performance was the role played by one sector that should have never made it to India’s list of exports—refined petroleum. The share of refined petroleum exports in India’s goods exports increased from 1.4% in 1996-97 to over 18% in 2011-12.
An import-intensive sector with low labour intensity, exports of refined petroleum zoomed because of the then policy regime of a retail price ceiling on petroleum products in the domestic market. While we have done well in the export of services, our share is still less than 4% of world exports.
India seemed to emerge from the 2008 global financial crisis relatively unscathed. But, a temporary demand push had played a role in the revival—the incomes of many households, both rural and urban, had shot up. Fiscal stimulus to the rural economy and implementation of the Sixth Pay Commission scales had led to the salaries of around 20% of organized-sector employees jumping up. We celebrated, but once again, neither did we resolve the crisis brewing elsewhere in India’s banking sector, nor did we improve our capacity for healthcare or quality education.
Employment saw little economy-wide growth in our boom years. Manufacturing jobs, if anything, shrank. But we continued to celebrate. Youth flocked to low-productivity service-sector jobs, such as those in hotels and restaurants, security and other services. The dependence on such jobs on one hand and high-skilled services on the other was bound to make Indian society more unequal.
And then, there is agriculture, an elephant in the room. If and when farm-sector reforms get implemented, celebrations would once again be premature. The vast majority of India’s farmers have small plots of land, and though these farms are at least as productive as larger ones, net absolute incomes from small plots can only be meagre.
A further rise in farm productivity and consequent increase in supply, if not matched by a demand rise, especially with access to export markets, would result in downward pressure on market prices for farm produce and a further decline in the net incomes of small farmers.
We should learn from what John Treacy did right. He didn’t give up, and pushed for the finish line like it was his only chance at winning. Treacy had years of long-distance practice. The same goes for our economy. A long grind is required to build up its base before we can win and celebrate. And Ovett did not blame anyone for his loss. We play the blame game. Everyone else, right from China and the US to ‘greedy corporates’, seems to be responsible for our failures.
We have lowered absolute poverty levels and had technology-based successes like Aadhaar and digital access to public services. But there are no short cuts to good quality and adequate healthcare and education services. We must remain optimistic but stay firmly away from the optimism bias.
In the end, it is not about how we start, but how we finish. The disastrous second wave of covid and our inability to manage it is a ghastly reminder of this fact.
On March 31, the World Economic Forum (WEF) released its annual Gender Gap Report 2021. The Global Gender Gap report is an annual report released by the WEF. The gender gap is the difference between women and men as reflected in social, political, intellectual, cultural, or economic attainments or attitudes. The gap between men and women across health, education, politics, and economics widened for the first time since records began in 2006.
[wptelegram-join-channel link=”https://t.me/s/upsctree” text=”Join @upsctree on Telegram”]No need to remember all the data, only pick out few important ones to use in your answers.
The Global gender gap index aims to measure this gap in four key areas : health, education, economics, and politics. It surveys economies to measure gender disparity by collating and analyzing data that fall under four indices : economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment.
The 2021 Global Gender Gap Index benchmarks 156 countries on their progress towards gender parity. The index aims to serve as a compass to track progress on relative gaps between women and men in health, education, economy, and politics.
Although no country has achieved full gender parity, the top two countries (Iceland and Finland) have closed at least 85% of their gap, and the remaining seven countries (Lithuania, Namibia, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Rwanda, and Ireland) have closed at least 80% of their gap. Geographically, the global top 10 continues to be dominated by Nordic countries, with —Iceland, Norway, Finland, and Sweden—in the top five.
The top 10 is completed by one country from Asia Pacific (New Zealand 4th), two Sub-Saharan countries (Namibia, 6th and Rwanda, 7th, one country from Eastern Europe (the new entrant to the top 10, Lithuania, 8th), and another two Western European countries (Ireland, 9th, and Switzerland, 10th, another country in the top-10 for the first time).There is a relatively equitable distribution of available income, resources, and opportunities for men and women in these countries. The tremendous gender gaps are identified primarily in the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia.
Here, we can discuss the overall global gender gap scores across the index’s four main components : Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment.
The indicators of the four main components are
(1) Economic Participation and Opportunity:
o Labour force participation rate,
o wage equality for similar work,
o estimated earned income,
o Legislators, senior officials, and managers,
o Professional and technical workers.
(2) Educational Attainment:
o Literacy rate (%)
o Enrollment in primary education (%)
o Enrollment in secondary education (%)
o Enrollment in tertiary education (%).
(3) Health and Survival:
o Sex ratio at birth (%)
o Healthy life expectancy (years).
(4) Political Empowerment:
o Women in Parliament (%)
o Women in Ministerial positions (%)
o Years with a female head of State (last 50 years)
o The share of tenure years.
The objective is to shed light on which factors are driving the overall average decline in the global gender gap score. The analysis results show that this year’s decline is mainly caused by a reversal in performance on the Political Empowerment gap.
Global Trends and Outcomes:
– Globally, this year, i.e., 2021, the average distance completed to gender parity gap is 68% (This means that the remaining gender gap to close stands at 32%) a step back compared to 2020 (-0.6 percentage points). These figures are mainly driven by a decline in the performance of large countries. On its current trajectory, it will now take 135.6 years to close the gender gap worldwide.
– The gender gap in Political Empowerment remains the largest of the four gaps tracked, with only 22% closed to date, having further widened since the 2020 edition of the report by 2.4 percentage points. Across the 156 countries covered by the index, women represent only 26.1% of some 35,500 Parliament seats and 22.6% of over 3,400 Ministers worldwide. In 81 countries, there has never been a woman head of State as of January 15, 2021. At the current rate of progress, the World Economic Forum estimates that it will take 145.5 years to attain gender parity in politics.
– The gender gap in Economic Participation and Opportunity remains the second-largest of the four key gaps tracked by the index. According to this year’s index results, 58% of this gap has been closed so far. The gap has seen marginal improvement since the 2020 edition of the report, and as a result, we estimate that it will take another 267.6 years to close.
– Gender gaps in Educational Attainment and Health and Survival are nearly closed. In Educational Attainment, 95% of this gender gap has been closed globally, with 37 countries already attaining gender parity. However, the ‘last mile’ of progress is proceeding slowly. The index estimates that it will take another 14.2 years to close this gap on its current trajectory completely.
In Health and Survival, 96% of this gender gap has been closed, registering a marginal decline since last year (not due to COVID-19), and the time to close this gap remains undefined. For both education and health, while progress is higher than economy and politics in the global data, there are important future implications of disruptions due to the pandemic and continued variations in quality across income, geography, race, and ethnicity.
India-Specific Findings:
India had slipped 28 spots to rank 140 out of the 156 countries covered. The pandemic causing a disproportionate impact on women jeopardizes rolling back the little progress made in the last decades-forcing more women to drop off the workforce and leaving them vulnerable to domestic violence.
India’s poor performance on the Global Gender Gap report card hints at a serious wake-up call and learning lessons from the Nordic region for the Government and policy makers.
Within the 156 countries covered, women hold only 26 percent of Parliamentary seats and 22 percent of Ministerial positions. India, in some ways, reflects this widening gap, where the number of Ministers declined from 23.1 percent in 2019 to 9.1 percent in 2021. The number of women in Parliament stands low at 14.4 percent. In India, the gender gap has widened to 62.5 %, down from 66.8% the previous year.
It is mainly due to women’s inadequate representation in politics, technical and leadership roles, a decrease in women’s labor force participation rate, poor healthcare, lagging female to male literacy ratio, and income inequality.
The gap is the widest on the political empowerment dimension, with economic participation and opportunity being next in line. However, the gap on educational attainment and health and survival has been practically bridged.
India is the third-worst performer among South Asian countries, with Pakistan and Afghanistan trailing and Bangladesh being at the top. The report states that the country fared the worst in political empowerment, regressing from 23.9% to 9.1%.
Its ranking on the health and survival dimension is among the five worst performers. The economic participation and opportunity gap saw a decline of 3% compared to 2020, while India’s educational attainment front is in the 114th position.
India has deteriorated to 51st place from 18th place in 2020 on political empowerment. Still, it has slipped to 155th position from 150th position in 2020 on health and survival, 151st place in economic participation and opportunity from 149th place, and 114th place for educational attainment from 112th.
In 2020 reports, among the 153 countries studied, India is the only country where the economic gender gap of 64.6% is larger than the political gender gap of 58.9%. In 2021 report, among the 156 countries, the economic gender gap of India is 67.4%, 3.8% gender gap in education, 6.3% gap in health and survival, and 72.4% gender gap in political empowerment. In health and survival, the gender gap of the sex ratio at birth is above 9.1%, and healthy life expectancy is almost the same.
Discrimination against women has also been reflected in Health and Survival subindex statistics. With 93.7% of this gap closed to date, India ranks among the bottom five countries in this subindex. The wide sex ratio at birth gaps is due to the high incidence of gender-based sex-selective practices. Besides, more than one in four women has faced intimate violence in her lifetime.The gender gap in the literacy rate is above 20.1%.
Yet, gender gaps persist in literacy : one-third of women are illiterate (34.2%) than 17.6% of men. In political empowerment, globally, women in Parliament is at 128th position and gender gap of 83.2%, and 90% gap in a Ministerial position. The gap in wages equality for similar work is above 51.8%. On health and survival, four large countries Pakistan, India, Vietnam, and China, fare poorly, with millions of women there not getting the same access to health as men.
The pandemic has only slowed down in its tracks the progress India was making towards achieving gender parity. The country urgently needs to focus on “health and survival,” which points towards a skewed sex ratio because of the high incidence of gender-based sex-selective practices and women’s economic participation. Women’s labour force participation rate and the share of women in technical roles declined in 2020, reducing the estimated earned income of women, one-fifth of men.
Learning from the Nordic region, noteworthy participation of women in politics, institutions, and public life is the catalyst for transformational change. Women need to be equal participants in the labour force to pioneer the societal changes the world needs in this integral period of transition.
Every effort must be directed towards achieving gender parallelism by facilitating women in leadership and decision-making positions. Social protection programmes should be gender-responsive and account for the differential needs of women and girls. Research and scientific literature also provide unequivocal evidence that countries led by women are dealing with the pandemic more effectively than many others.
Gendered inequality, thereby, is a global concern. India should focus on targeted policies and earmarked public and private investments in care and equalized access. Women are not ready to wait for another century for equality. It’s time India accelerates its efforts and fight for an inclusive, equal, global recovery.
India will not fully develop unless both women and men are equally supported to reach their full potential. There are risks, violations, and vulnerabilities women face just because they are women. Most of these risks are directly linked to women’s economic, political, social, and cultural disadvantages in their daily lives. It becomes acute during crises and disasters.
With the prevalence of gender discrimination, and social norms and practices, women become exposed to the possibility of child marriage, teenage pregnancy, child domestic work, poor education and health, sexual abuse, exploitation, and violence. Many of these manifestations will not change unless women are valued more.