Introduction :-

The left extremist outburst, later known as the Naxalite movement, started in March 1967 in the three police station areas (Naxalbari, Khoribari and Phansidewa) of Darjeeling district in West Bengal .The major features of left wing extemism (LWE) are : –

  • It has emerged as the greatest challenge to internal security
  • It has gained people’s confidence, grown in strength particularly in forest and tribal areas, by mobilizing dispossessed and marginalized sections.
  • It creates conditions for non-functioning of the government and actively seeks disruption of development activities as a means to achieve its objective of ‘wresting control’.
  • It spreads fear among the law-abiding citizens.

 

Cause of Spread of LWE :-

While the goal of the left extremists was to actualize their own vision of the State through ‘revolution’, they chose to usher that revolution by enlisting the support of the deprived and exploited sections of society particularly in areas where such sections constituted a significant part of the population.It is, therefore, necessary to identify the reasons for such deprivation and consequent discontent.The cases are:-

  1. Land related factors:-
    • Encroachment and occupation of Government and Community lands (even the water-bodies) by powerful sections of society.
    • Lack of title to public land cultivated by the landless poor.
    • Poor implementation of laws prohibiting transfer of tribal land to non-tribals in the Fifth Schedule areas.
    • Non-regularization of traditional land rights.
  2. Displacement and Forced Eviction :-
    • Eviction from lands traditionally used by tribals.
    • Displacements caused by irrigation and power projects without adequate arrangements for rehabilitation.
    • Large scale land acquisition for ‘public purposes’ without appropriate compensation or rehabilitation.
  3. Livelihood related Casues:-
    • Lack of food security – corruption in the Public Distribution System .
    • Disruption of traditional occupations and lack of alternative work opportunities.
    • Deprivation of traditional rights in common property resources.
    • Depressed wages and Inadequate employment
  4. Social Exclusion:-
    • Denial of dignity.
    • Continued practice, in some areas, of untouchability in various forms.
    • Poor implementation of special laws on prevention of atrocities, protection of civil rights and abolition of bonded labour etc.
  5. Governance related factors:-
    • Corruption and poor provision/non-provision of essential public services including primary health care and education.
    • Incompetent, ill trained and poorly motivated public personnel who are mostly absent from their place of posting.
    • Misuse of powers by the police and violations of the norms of law.
    • Perversion of electoral politics and unsatisfactory working of local government institutions.
  6. Legislative Factors:-
    • Disruption of the age old tribal- forest relationship.Historically,tribal life was well integrated with the forest, but legislation and governance in the last century considerably altered this symbiosis.
    • The Forest Act, 1927 and the Forest Conservation Act, 1980 along with stringent Supreme Court orders have turned forests into prohibited areas for the tribals, creating serious imbalances in their lives and livelihoods.
    • This has turned the tribals against government’s methods of forest management, and gradually against government itself.This discontent has provided fertile ground for the spread of left extremism among tribals living in forest areas.

 

Solutions, Measure and Analysis :- 

Analysis

  • LWE feeds on persistent and serious shortcomings in the domain of general and development administration, resulting in the failure of the government to address the needs of the poor in areas pertaining to land, food, water and personal security, equity, ethnic/cultural identity etc. If this diagnosis is accepted, then the ‘containment’ of the problem may inter alia require consideration of the following:-
    1. Most of the ‘participants’ in violence perpetrated under the banner of left extremist organizations are alienated sections of society rather than perpetrators of ‘high treason’– they have to be treated as such.
    2. A fortiori police action over a long period is counter-productive; it is likely to affect the innocent more than the extremists.
    3. Negotiations have a definite ameliorative role under the circumstances, this is the experience the world over.
    4. Faithful, fair and just implementation of laws and programmes for social justice will go a long way to remove the basic causes of resentment among aggrieved sections of society.
    5. Sustained, professionally sound and sincere development initiatives suitable to local conditions along with democratic methods of conflict resolution have a higher chance of success.

Solution

  • Capacity building of security forces:-
    • Overt, recurrent violence, extremism cannot be tackled by negotiations alone.A satisfactory state of law and order is also a necessary precondition for development.
    • Providing protection to personnel responsible for implementation of development programmes, public institutions such as school ,transport , stations etc.
    • Training and reorientation including sensitizing police and paramilitary personnel to the root causes of the disturbances to tackle in with sensitivity.
    • Formation of specially trained special task forces on the pattern of the Greyhounds in Andhra Pradesh.
    • Local police forces have a huge advantage in intelligence gathering capacity because of their constant interaction with local populations. In terms of costs also, strengthening the local police station is far more cost effective and more viable in the long run than inducting central forces.

 

  • Capacity building of administrative institutions : –
    • The Scheduled Tribes and other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 is a welcome measure which seeks to enhance institutional capacity to deal with a major causative factor for support of left extremism in tribal areas.
    • It vests land rights to the extent of four hectares per Forest Dwelling Scheduled Tribe (FDST) nuclear family provided they have been the ‘user’ of forest land for four generations or 75 years from the ‘cut off’ date i.e. December 13, 2005. This right is heritable but not alienable and transferable.
    • Considering the nexus between food insecurity and disaffection with the State, it is necessary that the non-functioning public distribution system is revived by strengthening organisations like LAMP (Large Area Multipurpose Cooperative Societies) to replace privately owned fair price shops and to implement decentralized schemes for procurement and distribution of food-grains etc.
    • Flexibility in administrative and judicial dispute settlement and grievance redressal at the earliest.

 

  • Capacity building of Government Personnel :-
    • Personnel management has been a neglected aspect of administration in tribal areas. Posting and deployment in such areas is usually looked upon as a punishment by officers who either work half-heartedly or remain absent for long periods from their place of duty. This underscores the need to identify those officers from the State, including from technical services, who view postings in these areas as a challenging and satisfying experience and have empathy and sensitivity to appreciate the problems of its people and the commitment to play a role in resolving them.
    • Incentive and reward to performing officers, better emoluments , recognition of their service and retention of residential accommodation and education of their children in the State headquarters, if so desired.
    • Better training on empathy and conflict resolution programs with tribal facets and tribal culture study as its primary .

 

  • Capacity building of Local Bodies:-
    • Enactment of the provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 commonly known as PESA, is thus a welcome initiative for ensuring grass-roots management of community affairs.
    • PESA is an ‘indicative legislation’; it lays down certain guidelines whose implementation depends on the States carrying out specific amendments (or enacting exclusive legislations) in their Panchayati Raj and other Acts. While many States have taken preliminary action on the lines suggested in PESA, there is a general impression that its implementation is, by and large, unsatisfactory.This has to be addressed on mission mode .

 

  • Capacity building of Civil society:-
    • Opinions vary about the role of civil society organisations in bringing about peace in conflict situations particularly in cases of left extremism because many such organizations are alleged to have a leftist ideological orientation (without necessarily sharing the violent objectives of the extremists) and, in some cases, the ‘NGO’ may even be a ‘front’ for the extremists themselves.
    • While there may be some ‘black sheep’ among these organisations, there is little doubt that they have the potential to act as a bridge between the extremists and the government and in educating the people about the futility of violence and preventing aggravation of the situation by ventilating public grievances within the legal-democratic framework

 

  • Cutting the source of finance of naxalites:-
    • Naxalite raise their fund through extortion, illegal mining operation etc and there exist a vast nexus of contractor-transporter-extremist .This has to be curtailed
    • One way to ensure that development funds do not reach the extremists is by entrusting these works temporarily to organisations like the Border Roads Organisation and other governmental agencies which can execute these works directly. This is recommended as a purely temporary measure and not to stifle local private entrepreneurship.

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  • Context:-

    At the recently concluded Leaders’ Summit on Climate in April 2021, Lowering Emissions by Accelerating Forest Finance (LEAF) Coalition, a collective of the United States, United Kingdom and Norway governments, came up with a $1 billion fund plan that shall be offered to countries committed to arrest the decline of their tropical forests by 2030.

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    What is LEAF Coalition?

    • Lowering Emissions by Accelerating Forest Finance (LEAF) Coalition, a collective of the United States, United Kingdom and Norway governments, came up with a $1 billion fund.
    • LEAF is supported by transnational corporations (TNCs) like Unilever plc, Amazon.com, Inc, Nestle, Airbnb, Inc as well as Emergent, a US-based non-profit.

    Why LEAF Coalition?

    • The world lost more than 10 million hectares of primary tropical forest cover last year, an area roughly the size of Switzerland.
    • Ending tropical and subtropical forest loss by 2030 is a crucial part of meeting global climate, biodiversity and sustainable development goals. Protecting tropical forests offers one of the biggest opportunities for climate action in the coming decade.
    • Tropical forests are massive carbon sinks and by investing in their protection, public and private players are likely to stock up on their carbon credits.
    • The LEAF coalition initiative is a step towards concretising the aims and objectives of the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) mechanism.
    • REDD+ was created by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It monetised the value of carbon locked up in the tropical forests of most developing countries, thereby propelling these countries to help mitigate climate change.
    • It is a unique initiative as it seeks to help developing countries in battling the double-edged sword of development versus ecological commitment. 
    • The initiative comes at a crucial time. The tropics have lost close to 12.2 million hectares (mha) of tree cover last year according to global estimates released by Global Forest Watch.
    • Of this, a loss of 4.2 mha occurred within humid tropical primary forests alone. It should come as no surprise that most of these lost forests were located in the developing countries of Latin America, Africa and South Asia.
    • Brazil has fared dismally on the parameter of ‘annual primary forest loss’ among all countries. It has lost 1.7 mha of primary forests that are rich storehouse of carbon. India’s estimated loss in 2020 stands at 20.8 kilo hectares.

    Brazil & India 

    • Between 2002-2020, Brazil’s total area of humid primary forest reduced by 7.7 per cent while India’s reduced by 3.4 per cent.
    • Although the loss in India is not as drastic as in Brazil, its position is nevertheless precarious. For India, this loss is equivalent to 951 metric tonnes worth carbon dioxide emissions released in the atmosphere.
    • It is important to draw comparisons between Brazil and India as both countries have adopted a rather lackadaisical attitude towards deforestation-induced climate change. The Brazilian government hardly did anything to control the massive fires that gutted the Amazon rainforest in 2019.
    • It is mostly around May that forest fires peak in India. However, this year India, witnessed massive forest fires in early March in states like Odisha, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Mizoram among others.
    • The European Union’s Copernicus Atmospheric Monitoring Service claimed that 0.2 metric tonnes of carbon was emitted in the Uttarakhand forest fires.

    According to the UN-REDD programme, after the energy sector, deforestation accounts for massive carbon emissions — close to 11 per cent — in the atmosphere. Rapid urbanisation and commercialisation of forest produce are the main causes behind rampant deforestation across tropical forests.

    Tribes, Forests and Government

    Disregarding climate change as a valid excuse for the fires, Indian government officials were quick to lay the blame for deforestation on activities of forest dwellers and even labelled them “mischievous elements” and “unwanted elements”.

    Policy makers around the world have emphasised the role of indigenous tribes and local communities in checking deforestation. These communities depend on forests for their survival as well as livelihood. Hence, they understand the need to protect forests. However, by posing legitimate environmental concerns as obstacles to real development, governments of developing countries swiftly avoid protection of forests and rights of forest dwellers.

    For instance, the Government of India has not been forthcoming in recognising the socio-economic, civil, political or even cultural rights of forest dwellers. According to data from the Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs in December, 2020 over 55 per cent of this population has still not been granted either individual or community ownership of their lands.  

    To make matters worse, the government has undertaken systematic and sustained measures to render the landmark Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006 ineffective in its implementation. The Act had sought to legitimise claims of forest dwellers on occupied forest land.

    Various government decisions have seriously undermined the position of indigenous people within India. These include proposing amendments to the obsolete Indian Forest Act, 1927 that give forest officials the power to take away forest dwellers’ rights and to even use firearms with impunity.

    There is also the Supreme Court’s order of February, 2019 directing state governments to evict illegal encroachers of forest land or millions of forest dwellers inhabiting forests since generations as a measure to conserve wildlife. Finally, there is the lack of data on novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) deaths among the forest dwelling population;

    Tardy administration, insufficient supervision, apathetic attitude and a lack of political intent defeat the cause of forest dwelling populations in India, thereby directly affecting efforts at arresting deforestation.

    Way Forward

    • Implementation of the LEAF Coalition plan will help pump in fresh rigour among developing countries like India, that are reluctant to recognise the contributions of their forest dwelling populations in mitigating climate change.
    • With the deadline for proposal submission fast approaching, India needs to act swiftly on a revised strategy.
    • Although India has pledged to carry out its REDD+ commitments, it is impossible to do so without seeking knowledge from its forest dwelling population.

    Tuntiak Katan, a global indigenous leader from Ecuador and general coordinator of the Global Alliance of Territorial Communities, aptly indicated the next steps at the Climate Summit:

    “The first step is recognition of land rights. The second step is the recognition of the contributions of local communities and indigenous communities, meaning the contributions of indigenous peoples.We also need recognition of traditional knowledge practices in order to fight climate change”

    Perhaps India can begin by taking the first step.